Nepal monarchy is down but not out
http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=c75642af-20f9-4d73-9602-a88d9eb15254&ParentID=b5c90218-de92-4684-bcfe-fdb5a6b1fe67&&Headline=Nepal+monarchy+is+down+but+not+out
Nepal’s 238-year-old Shah dynasty is down but not out. Not yet. Far from planning a getaway, King Gyanendra is reportedly working overtime to secure for the Palace a ceremonial niche -- or failing that, some political relevance -- in the Himalayan country struggling to scale Republican heights.
“I don’t rule out the possibility of a ceremonial role for the King. I’ll say nothing is settled,” said a Kathmandu-based diplomat. His prognosis rested on a host of imponderables: the Palace’s money power; its “moles” across the political spectrum; the royal network spanning generations and the distinction the vastly illiterate electorate could make between the widely-despised incumbent and the institution of Monarchy.
In fact, there are two explanations for CPN (UML) leader Madhav Nepal’s pitch for a referendum on the Monarchy’s future being stonewalled by Prime Minister G P Koirala. One, the unpredictability of the vote that could give the badly isolated Gyanendra some measure of his support-base and Two, the need to keep the issue hanging for a ‘give and take’ with the Maoists on other key elements of the new Constitution.
“The anger against Gyanendra might not translate into landslide rejection of the Monarchy as an institution,” averred Shrish Pradhan, a journalist. “Much would depend on the play of forces in the June 2007 elections to the Constituent Assembly. The PM is in no hurry to abandon the option of a ceremonial Palace as he’s aware that a dynasty that has lasted over two centuries cannot be wiped out by a proclamation.”
The NC’s ostensible tactical ambivalence on the demand for a Republic came across in the remarks of its spokesman, Arjun Narsingh. As a “strong” party group favoured a ceremonial Monarchy, he thought the NC’s highest forum, the Maha Adhiveshan, alone could settle the question.
Former PM Sher Bahadur Deuba’s splinter Nepali Congress (Democratic) is even more amenable to accommodating the dynasty. One of its ministers in the Koirala regime, Gopal Man Shreshta has said the King be made the Republic’s first President if he quits voluntarily for a smooth transition.
But Deuba played safe. “Most of the young girls and boys are fed up with this King. He will remain with or without power till the formation of the Constituent Assembly,” he told HT. “There is a likelihood of a republican front (taking shape before the polls) but nothing can be said with certainty.”
Amid such confusion, the sole redeeming feature for a ‘Republican Nepal’ is the youths’ distrust of the royalty that made and broke promises like piecrusts in the country’s 55-year quest for uninterrupted democracy. A crack between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance might rob the April Revolution -- as the latest uprising has come to be known -- of its raison d’etre.
The Palace’s support for the Peace Agreement with the Maoists is no credible evidence of it coming to terms with the changing reality. Spared the referendum, the King might seek to subvert popular will through manipulation and money power, said Madhav Nepal, during the selection of candidates, the campaign and after the formation of the Constituent Assembly that will decide the Monarchy’s fate at its very first sitting. Gyanendra’s point will be proved -- and ground laid for a future political role -- if a good percentage of House members vote for the dynasty.
On the flipside, a referendum, without denying the King a chance to gauge his ground-support, would have posited the Monarchy’s abolition as the core issue -- rather than a step that it is, in the construction of a New Nepal. Either way, the choice was difficult.
Wednesday, May 30, 2007
Why India wants to throw the King out?
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2007/others/guestcolumn/may/guest_columns_11.php
Where Does The Power Lie?
As conflict among internal political forces intensifies, Nepali leaders appear helpless even to announce elections date. Question arises: where does the decisive power lie?
- By Keshab Poudel
- "I have to admit honestly and frankly that Nepali people no more have the decisive power. The decisive power is in New Delhi and Washington," said CPN-Maoist leader Krishna Bahadur Mahara who is also the government spokesperson as the Minister for Information and Communication. (See Kantipur May 14 and Nepal Television May 13) addressing general meeting of District Development Committee, Rolpa.
- "NC people must consider what BP Koirala had once said. Rather than going to India with a package of problems, they would have done well had they gone there with a package of solutions," said Jhalnath Khanal, reacting to the visit of NC delegation of vice president Sushil Koirala, Dr. Ram Baran Yadav and Dr. Shekhr Koirala. "I don't understand what they are up to when they go to India with a problem." (The Himalayan Times May 28)
Strangely Khanal, who criticized the visit of three Nepali Congress leaders who are reportedly in New Delhi for health check up, is himself going to be a member of CPN-UML delegation to New Delhi. According to a May 29 reporting in The Himalayan Times from New Delhi, a team of CPN-UML leaders including its general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal will arrive in New Delhi on 30 May. The members of delegation include K.P. Sharma Oli, Jhalnath Khanal, Bamdev Gautam and Ashok Rai.
As Nepal's present political situation is in a very crucial phase and internal political forces are in dispute over the announcement of elections date for Constituent Assembly, the visit of high-level party leaders of Nepal's two major political parties have definite political meaning.
The Himalayan Times –which is supposed to predict political weather coming from South – has already declared on May 27 that Koirala clan is losing its grip on the party. "In a way, the election of Pradeep Paudel as Nepal Student Union president is tantamount to a rebellion against the Koirala clan and its political ideology dating back to the 1950s," writes the daily.
According to THT, the bid is a last ditch effort by prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala who is under stepped up pressure to declare Constituent Assembly Elections.
If minister Mahara really believes upon his statement, many more questions may be raised at him. Along with other political forces, which one force led the Maoists into the power?
Prachanda's Realization
For CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda, it took a year to realize Nepal's reality. "One year after my public appearance when I met a number of capitalists, feudalists and other power centers, I have drawn the conclusion that Nepal is not like what we used to think. Eventually, we are now in a position to understand Nepal," said CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda (Kantipur May 24).
It is not clear whether they are the expressions of frustrations or expressions of real situation of the country. People in Nepal generally feel that they have come to know the Maoists in their political shape but surprisingly its supreme leader Prachanda has just started knowing what Nepal is.
The precious 15,000 lives have been lost to educate him about Nepal as he has realized now. Despite his realization, indications are that political situation in Nepal has no sign to stabilize and follow a fair and predictable process.
Past Experiences
Past experiences have shown that sooner the election is held, better for the country's over all situation. As Nepal's internal political forces are yet to agree on the date to hold the elections for CA, third party will have reasons to rejoice as its intervention will then be required to end any major political deadlock.
"Although the situation was very abnormal in the last days of Panchayat system, the upheavals of that time - which overthrew the previous order - reintroduced the multi-party parliamentary process very shortly. Within 14 months, the constitution was promulgated as a product of unique political understanding and reconciliation under which three elections for parliament were held with amazing peace and popular participation," said a political analyst.
According to the analyst, ongoing interests in the political destabilization created an opportunity to do away with that constitutional order as well as the political adjustments. "In the last phase of previous constitutional order, unfortunately, politicians ignored the consequences of cut throat competition for power which created a situation in which an inexperienced but over ambitious King played a short sighted role and the country entered into another phase of uncertainty and destabilization."
From Stable To Unstable
Following the promulgation of interim constitution, the country entered from a stable and predictable to unstable and unpredictable situation. Nobody is able to predict his/her own future now. Nobody in politics knows his/her future role. Even prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who sacrificed all political ideals, values, and country's interests for power, is uncertain about his position.
"As long as elected parliament was in operation, it was generally believed that entire parliament was capable of reflecting the popular will of the country and it could decide the fate of politicians. The previous constitution not only had declared the sovereign power vested into the people but it also generated belief in declaration. During the direct rule of King in the last phase, rightly or wrongly, the supreme decision making power was believed to be with the King," said the analyst.
Of course, April upsurge of last year deprived the King of that power but unfortunately no political force is sure of the center of the decisive power of this country now. In the last days of Royal regime, as a theoretician vice chairman of council of minister Dr. Tulsi Giri used to argue that there could not be two centers of power – the people and the King.
"Few days back the Maoist group leader in the cabinet and Minister for Information and Communication Mahara was on record in the media telling the people that the decisive power of this country is either in New Delhi or in Washington. Recalling Dr. Giri's statement regarding duality of the center of power to decide, it is now neither with the King nor with the people," said the analyst.
About Washington
In the words of minister Mahara, the decisive power has gone away either to Delhi or to Washington. However, while judging position of Washington, it has a very humiliating response from current events of Nepal. Prime minister Koirala completely ignored the advice of America in the process, particularly, on the decision of inclusion of Maoists in the government.
US and its ambassador James F. Moriarty, whose car was stoned Friday (May 25 in Damak Jhapa) by the members of Maoist -affiliated Young Communist League, are persistent in their position vis-à-vis Maoist party, which they term as terrorist outfit and have given no indication to budge from their stance yet. Americans denied visa to Maoist leader and still put them in US terrorist list.
Although US ambassador Moriarty was unhurt, this stoning incident, which the Maoist organization later claimed was not its planned doing, has raised a question on whose protection Maoists are waging a war against the US.
In the words of vociferous Maoist leader and Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Matrika Prasad Yadav, US ambassador Moriarty has completely failed in his attempt to block their road to power.
About New Delhi
About another power center New Delhi, there is a lot of whispering and rumors getting space in the print media that it has a lot of influence in Nepal. Actions and activities of politicians corroborate the apprehension of the people, which is not in the interest of good neighborly relationship between countries.
Series of meetings and negotiations were taking place in New Delhi before finally the 12 points agreement came to light in November of 2005. Even the recent rush to New Delhi by all leading politicians of major political parties is not properly explained to the people.
Although CPN-UML leader Khanal who objected Congress leaders' visit to New Delhi a day before - is now going to New Delhi along with his party general secretary Nepal.
After looking at this entire circumstantial situation, one can guess that something covert and secretive dialogue and negotiations are going on in New Delhi. There is no sense for different political persons of Nepal to go to Delhi for dialogue and negotiations among themselves. One does not know the role of third invisible and undeclared party into that deal.
According to Nepali Congress leader Amod Upadhyay, the visit is no more than a visit for medical check up. "All of them are political figures, they might meet Indian political leaders," said Upadhyaya. Anyway, this kind of visit of politicians to a powerful neighboring country is not without definite meaning.
"The experience of the past creates a reasonable doubt in the minds of people. Perhaps minister Mahara could not betray his conscience and expressed naked fact that internal conflicts of Nepal has shifted decisive power of this country," said the analyst.
"Dr. Giri's views have prevailed but in a perverted manner. Now the power is neither with the King nor with the people. It has shifted to a hegemonic center. It is very painful to believe and accept this fact. And now the uphill task for all is to clear the hostility and conflict among ourselves for a broad based national unity based upon widely accepted political process in which all will have fair opportunity to live and let live," said the political analyst.
(Courtesy: Spotlight)
Where Does The Power Lie?
As conflict among internal political forces intensifies, Nepali leaders appear helpless even to announce elections date. Question arises: where does the decisive power lie?
- By Keshab Poudel
- "I have to admit honestly and frankly that Nepali people no more have the decisive power. The decisive power is in New Delhi and Washington," said CPN-Maoist leader Krishna Bahadur Mahara who is also the government spokesperson as the Minister for Information and Communication. (See Kantipur May 14 and Nepal Television May 13) addressing general meeting of District Development Committee, Rolpa.
- "NC people must consider what BP Koirala had once said. Rather than going to India with a package of problems, they would have done well had they gone there with a package of solutions," said Jhalnath Khanal, reacting to the visit of NC delegation of vice president Sushil Koirala, Dr. Ram Baran Yadav and Dr. Shekhr Koirala. "I don't understand what they are up to when they go to India with a problem." (The Himalayan Times May 28)
Strangely Khanal, who criticized the visit of three Nepali Congress leaders who are reportedly in New Delhi for health check up, is himself going to be a member of CPN-UML delegation to New Delhi. According to a May 29 reporting in The Himalayan Times from New Delhi, a team of CPN-UML leaders including its general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal will arrive in New Delhi on 30 May. The members of delegation include K.P. Sharma Oli, Jhalnath Khanal, Bamdev Gautam and Ashok Rai.
As Nepal's present political situation is in a very crucial phase and internal political forces are in dispute over the announcement of elections date for Constituent Assembly, the visit of high-level party leaders of Nepal's two major political parties have definite political meaning.
The Himalayan Times –which is supposed to predict political weather coming from South – has already declared on May 27 that Koirala clan is losing its grip on the party. "In a way, the election of Pradeep Paudel as Nepal Student Union president is tantamount to a rebellion against the Koirala clan and its political ideology dating back to the 1950s," writes the daily.
According to THT, the bid is a last ditch effort by prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala who is under stepped up pressure to declare Constituent Assembly Elections.
If minister Mahara really believes upon his statement, many more questions may be raised at him. Along with other political forces, which one force led the Maoists into the power?
Prachanda's Realization
For CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda, it took a year to realize Nepal's reality. "One year after my public appearance when I met a number of capitalists, feudalists and other power centers, I have drawn the conclusion that Nepal is not like what we used to think. Eventually, we are now in a position to understand Nepal," said CPN-Maoist leader Prachanda (Kantipur May 24).
It is not clear whether they are the expressions of frustrations or expressions of real situation of the country. People in Nepal generally feel that they have come to know the Maoists in their political shape but surprisingly its supreme leader Prachanda has just started knowing what Nepal is.
The precious 15,000 lives have been lost to educate him about Nepal as he has realized now. Despite his realization, indications are that political situation in Nepal has no sign to stabilize and follow a fair and predictable process.
Past Experiences
Past experiences have shown that sooner the election is held, better for the country's over all situation. As Nepal's internal political forces are yet to agree on the date to hold the elections for CA, third party will have reasons to rejoice as its intervention will then be required to end any major political deadlock.
"Although the situation was very abnormal in the last days of Panchayat system, the upheavals of that time - which overthrew the previous order - reintroduced the multi-party parliamentary process very shortly. Within 14 months, the constitution was promulgated as a product of unique political understanding and reconciliation under which three elections for parliament were held with amazing peace and popular participation," said a political analyst.
According to the analyst, ongoing interests in the political destabilization created an opportunity to do away with that constitutional order as well as the political adjustments. "In the last phase of previous constitutional order, unfortunately, politicians ignored the consequences of cut throat competition for power which created a situation in which an inexperienced but over ambitious King played a short sighted role and the country entered into another phase of uncertainty and destabilization."
From Stable To Unstable
Following the promulgation of interim constitution, the country entered from a stable and predictable to unstable and unpredictable situation. Nobody is able to predict his/her own future now. Nobody in politics knows his/her future role. Even prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who sacrificed all political ideals, values, and country's interests for power, is uncertain about his position.
"As long as elected parliament was in operation, it was generally believed that entire parliament was capable of reflecting the popular will of the country and it could decide the fate of politicians. The previous constitution not only had declared the sovereign power vested into the people but it also generated belief in declaration. During the direct rule of King in the last phase, rightly or wrongly, the supreme decision making power was believed to be with the King," said the analyst.
Of course, April upsurge of last year deprived the King of that power but unfortunately no political force is sure of the center of the decisive power of this country now. In the last days of Royal regime, as a theoretician vice chairman of council of minister Dr. Tulsi Giri used to argue that there could not be two centers of power – the people and the King.
"Few days back the Maoist group leader in the cabinet and Minister for Information and Communication Mahara was on record in the media telling the people that the decisive power of this country is either in New Delhi or in Washington. Recalling Dr. Giri's statement regarding duality of the center of power to decide, it is now neither with the King nor with the people," said the analyst.
About Washington
In the words of minister Mahara, the decisive power has gone away either to Delhi or to Washington. However, while judging position of Washington, it has a very humiliating response from current events of Nepal. Prime minister Koirala completely ignored the advice of America in the process, particularly, on the decision of inclusion of Maoists in the government.
US and its ambassador James F. Moriarty, whose car was stoned Friday (May 25 in Damak Jhapa) by the members of Maoist -affiliated Young Communist League, are persistent in their position vis-à-vis Maoist party, which they term as terrorist outfit and have given no indication to budge from their stance yet. Americans denied visa to Maoist leader and still put them in US terrorist list.
Although US ambassador Moriarty was unhurt, this stoning incident, which the Maoist organization later claimed was not its planned doing, has raised a question on whose protection Maoists are waging a war against the US.
In the words of vociferous Maoist leader and Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Matrika Prasad Yadav, US ambassador Moriarty has completely failed in his attempt to block their road to power.
About New Delhi
About another power center New Delhi, there is a lot of whispering and rumors getting space in the print media that it has a lot of influence in Nepal. Actions and activities of politicians corroborate the apprehension of the people, which is not in the interest of good neighborly relationship between countries.
Series of meetings and negotiations were taking place in New Delhi before finally the 12 points agreement came to light in November of 2005. Even the recent rush to New Delhi by all leading politicians of major political parties is not properly explained to the people.
Although CPN-UML leader Khanal who objected Congress leaders' visit to New Delhi a day before - is now going to New Delhi along with his party general secretary Nepal.
After looking at this entire circumstantial situation, one can guess that something covert and secretive dialogue and negotiations are going on in New Delhi. There is no sense for different political persons of Nepal to go to Delhi for dialogue and negotiations among themselves. One does not know the role of third invisible and undeclared party into that deal.
According to Nepali Congress leader Amod Upadhyay, the visit is no more than a visit for medical check up. "All of them are political figures, they might meet Indian political leaders," said Upadhyaya. Anyway, this kind of visit of politicians to a powerful neighboring country is not without definite meaning.
"The experience of the past creates a reasonable doubt in the minds of people. Perhaps minister Mahara could not betray his conscience and expressed naked fact that internal conflicts of Nepal has shifted decisive power of this country," said the analyst.
"Dr. Giri's views have prevailed but in a perverted manner. Now the power is neither with the King nor with the people. It has shifted to a hegemonic center. It is very painful to believe and accept this fact. And now the uphill task for all is to clear the hostility and conflict among ourselves for a broad based national unity based upon widely accepted political process in which all will have fair opportunity to live and let live," said the political analyst.
(Courtesy: Spotlight)
Friday, May 11, 2007
National Reconciliation: Now and Then
By KESHAB POUDEL
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2007/englishweekly/
spotlight/may/may04/national.php
National context of Nepal has not changed yet but slogan of national reconciliation has changed greatly. More than two decades ago Nepali Congress leader B.P. Koirala championed the national reconciliation stressing for the inclusion of all political forces including the monarch but his brother and prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is interpreting the term in exclusion of traditional force, monarchy.
"The international context then at the time of B.P. Koirala was very complicated. He was worried about the survival of the nation at that time. Therefore, he appealed to all political forces to unite under a democratic process to safeguard the national independence. Supreme priority of that time was nation. Now his followers have ignored the regional complications and made the democratic process the main cause to rely on. Their emphasis at this moment is to safeguard democracy. For that traditional institution of monarchy became the main target by ignoring the commonalities of national interest between democratic forces and monarchy. B.P. always emphasized twin pillars for nation's survival- nationalism and democracy," said a political analyst.
Now the emphasis is different. "My effort is also a part of national reconciliation. I want to solve the present political crisis through national reconciliation," said prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala.
Koirala, who is leading eight party's alliance, very well knows ethos of national reconciliation of B.P but he is propounding his own model. But, GP's communist critics likes Modnath Prashrit still see him toeing his line. CPN-UML leader Prashrit, who is a bitter critic of B.P.'s national reconciliation, condemned prime minister Koirala for walking BP's way.
"Now his followers at present emphasize mainly on democratic process in which they compromise a lot with opposite ideological forces subscribing to totalitarian ideology. Thus, these people have ignored not only commonality of national interest but they have compromised on basic democratic values to maintain unity against institution of monarchy. This contrast between then and now is quite visible," said the political analyst. "B.P. Koirala's concept of national reconciliation was inclusive of all the forces under a democratic process. He was against the absolute monarchy as well as against communist dictatorship."
But, realizing precarious geo-political situation of this country, he ultimately broadened his political base in which different views and interest could get just and proper role to play. According to analyst, as he was consistent adherent of the constitutional monarchy that is a limited monarchy, the King was a necessary party to play a role under his concept of national reconciliation.
People see the portraits of B.P. Koirala in all important functions held by his followers, many institutes and highways are named after him and his statues are erected but the essence of his message has been diluted into populist jargon.
After a long gap, G.P. Koirala had to face the moral pressure for the legacy of national reconciliation left by his brother. He too delivered same message one after another using the same term of national reconciliation
But the question is how much serious he is about this concept. All his actions indicate the continuation of confrontation between internal forces in which the King is at present the main target. "It is not for the person Gyanendra, his son Paras or his son Hridayendra but monarchy is necessary to the people. It is not the endowment from the people to the King but it is the requirement of the people to live in peace and order. For that continuity is essential for a political stability. After the political change of 1990, King Birendra too imbibed amazing change in his political dealings that made him so popular and respectable that the world forgot all his performance of the past. Time was very cruel to King Gyanendra not to permit him much room to commit any mistake. Before he was tempered to perform a role of restrained and constitutional monarch, he was outspoken by the forces of destabilization and ulterior interest in Nepal . He tried to centralize all powers with him, as a result both the King as well as people of this country have lost the real decisive political powers at present turmoil," said the analyst.
The confrontation does not have its ethical boundary. Now, there are symptoms of conflict of same nature between the communist and democratic forces as well as between regional groups of the country. If this trend continues, anybody of any political party in a position of leadership would be condemned by the posterity as the liquidator of noble legacy of national reconciliation.
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/2007/englishweekly/
spotlight/may/may04/national.php
National context of Nepal has not changed yet but slogan of national reconciliation has changed greatly. More than two decades ago Nepali Congress leader B.P. Koirala championed the national reconciliation stressing for the inclusion of all political forces including the monarch but his brother and prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala is interpreting the term in exclusion of traditional force, monarchy.
"The international context then at the time of B.P. Koirala was very complicated. He was worried about the survival of the nation at that time. Therefore, he appealed to all political forces to unite under a democratic process to safeguard the national independence. Supreme priority of that time was nation. Now his followers have ignored the regional complications and made the democratic process the main cause to rely on. Their emphasis at this moment is to safeguard democracy. For that traditional institution of monarchy became the main target by ignoring the commonalities of national interest between democratic forces and monarchy. B.P. always emphasized twin pillars for nation's survival- nationalism and democracy," said a political analyst.
Now the emphasis is different. "My effort is also a part of national reconciliation. I want to solve the present political crisis through national reconciliation," said prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala.
Koirala, who is leading eight party's alliance, very well knows ethos of national reconciliation of B.P but he is propounding his own model. But, GP's communist critics likes Modnath Prashrit still see him toeing his line. CPN-UML leader Prashrit, who is a bitter critic of B.P.'s national reconciliation, condemned prime minister Koirala for walking BP's way.
"Now his followers at present emphasize mainly on democratic process in which they compromise a lot with opposite ideological forces subscribing to totalitarian ideology. Thus, these people have ignored not only commonality of national interest but they have compromised on basic democratic values to maintain unity against institution of monarchy. This contrast between then and now is quite visible," said the political analyst. "B.P. Koirala's concept of national reconciliation was inclusive of all the forces under a democratic process. He was against the absolute monarchy as well as against communist dictatorship."
But, realizing precarious geo-political situation of this country, he ultimately broadened his political base in which different views and interest could get just and proper role to play. According to analyst, as he was consistent adherent of the constitutional monarchy that is a limited monarchy, the King was a necessary party to play a role under his concept of national reconciliation.
People see the portraits of B.P. Koirala in all important functions held by his followers, many institutes and highways are named after him and his statues are erected but the essence of his message has been diluted into populist jargon.
After a long gap, G.P. Koirala had to face the moral pressure for the legacy of national reconciliation left by his brother. He too delivered same message one after another using the same term of national reconciliation
But the question is how much serious he is about this concept. All his actions indicate the continuation of confrontation between internal forces in which the King is at present the main target. "It is not for the person Gyanendra, his son Paras or his son Hridayendra but monarchy is necessary to the people. It is not the endowment from the people to the King but it is the requirement of the people to live in peace and order. For that continuity is essential for a political stability. After the political change of 1990, King Birendra too imbibed amazing change in his political dealings that made him so popular and respectable that the world forgot all his performance of the past. Time was very cruel to King Gyanendra not to permit him much room to commit any mistake. Before he was tempered to perform a role of restrained and constitutional monarch, he was outspoken by the forces of destabilization and ulterior interest in Nepal . He tried to centralize all powers with him, as a result both the King as well as people of this country have lost the real decisive political powers at present turmoil," said the analyst.
The confrontation does not have its ethical boundary. Now, there are symptoms of conflict of same nature between the communist and democratic forces as well as between regional groups of the country. If this trend continues, anybody of any political party in a position of leadership would be condemned by the posterity as the liquidator of noble legacy of national reconciliation.
“NC Will Contest Elections On The Basis Of Moderate Ideology Propounded By B.P. Koirala”
K.B. Gurung
At a time when Maoist leaders are saying that the time has come to declare the republic from the interim parliament, what is the reaction of Nepali Congress?
Nepali Congress is a responsible Democratic Party and it cannot go against its commitments. As interim constitution has already stipulated that the fate of monarchy will be decided by the first meeting of constituent assembly, this kind of debate has no meaning now and it is just a politically motivated debate. Only the Nepali people can decide such dispute through the ballot - whether they want to retain monarchy or not.
But, Maoist leaders have been saying that this interim parliament has such mandate?
If this parliament has all these mandates, why do we then need to go for the elections for Constituent Assembly? As a democratic party, Nepali Congress always accepts the verdict of the people. We believe that people are supreme authority to decide. This interim parliament does not have such mandates.
Some of your communist allies have been accusing that Nepali Congress is protecting monarchy by delaying the elections of CA. How do you look at it?
Nepali Congress has already made it clear that only the people of this country has the right to decide the fate of monarchy. If people vote for monarchy, we have to accept it. Nepali Congress will follow the verdict of the people. Nepali Congress is always committed to hold the free and fair elections for CA but it is the activities of Maoist organizations like Young Communist League, which is terrorizing people, that are obstructing the elections.
Some of your party colleagues have been saying that the time has come to decide on republic. What is the status of Nepali Congress now?
As a democratic party, every individual has the right to speak his views. So far as our party’s stand is concerned, only party general assembly can decide on such issue. The last general assembly meeting of our party amended the constitution making our party’s stand silent on monarchy. Even our party leader Girijababu has said that Nepali Congress has to look at international reactions before making any shift on the issue.
But, some of your party leaders including prime minister Koirala reportedly said that the country is heading towards republic. Is it not contradictory?
I have already mentioned to you that such decision cannot be taken on the whims of just a few handful of party workers. It is the issue to be decided by the people of Nepal . Girijababu’s spirit is also similar like that of ours.
Is it not true that your party has deviated from 12-points agreement by signing new eight point agreement?
There have been certain deviations on the part of our party. Even prime minister Koirala acknowledged that the eight point agreement has created new problems. After signing the agreement, Girijababu personally shared his dissatisfaction with our party leaders. The 12 point agreement has clear mandate on how to hold the elections for Constituent Assembly. One of the essences of 12 points agreement is to revive House of Representatives, sign the peace agreement with Maoist and hold elections for Constituent Assembly. This is also the mandate of Janandolan II which was launched to end autocratic monarchy and establish complete democracy.
If that was the mandate, how all these new developments appeared by writing interim constitution and constituting new interim parliament?
Girijababu - who signed the new agreement on the eve of his departure to Bangkok for his medical treatment - expressed anger and dissatisfaction over the agreement. Some of our party leaders pressurized Girijababu in such a manner that he was compelled to sign it. Had we followed 12 points agreement honestly, we would have by now already elected Constituent Assembly and the country would have entered a new phase of political stability.
But, CPN-UML leader Madhav Kumar Nepal and other communist leaders are now pointing their fingers against Girija Prasad Koirala for failure to hold the elections for CA. How do you look at it?
Girijababu has shown greatness by accepting responsibility of not holding the elections for CA on schedule but other leaders of eight political parties are more responsible than Girijababu and our party. Girijababu has expressed his strong commitment to hold the elections for CA. I think Nepali Congress is the only party determined to hold the elections for CA. How can you blame Nepali Congress leader when Maoists did not abide by their written commitments signed with the seven parties? We all know that it is the CPN-Maoist cadres who are still terrorizing people. The Maoists have not returned our confiscated properties and have not allowed internally displaced persons to return.
Even they have not yet returned my property.
What would be the agenda of Nepali Congress in CA?
As long as B.P. Koirala’s ideology is there, we don’t need to worry. Our party will contest the elections on the basis of moderate ideology propounded by B.P. Koirala. Our party always follows the moderate path. This is our identity. This is going to be our agenda.
At a time when your party is completely discarding traditional force siding with extremist communists demanding abolishing monarchy, what elements are left to distinguish your party from the communists?
NC, which is the only liberal democratic party in Nepal , has a long history of struggling against autocracy of any form. Our opposition is against the autocratic monarchy. We have our own ideology propounded by B.P. Koirala. As B.P. Koirala had said, Nepali Congress is not in favor of any forms of extremism whether it is rightist extremism or communist extremism.
In case your party contests elections with a similar slogan of republic, do you believe that your party will retain its broader appeal?
As you know our party still maintains silence on monarchy and republic. In this regard, our slogans for elections will be different than communists. B.P. Koirala’s new book Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti (King, Nationalism and Politics) clearly will guide us on what Nepali Congress needs to do at the time of crisis.
Don’t you see there are deviations?
I told you that there is deviation in the ideological front of Nepali Congress but our party cannot survive if we continue to deviate further. Even our leader Girijababu has been frank enough to accept that.
At a time when most of your party workers including prime minister Koirala are justifying the new role of Nepali Congress, what prompted you to take opposite stand?
We are not taking any opposite stands but we are harping similar ethos of national reconciliation as all our leaders including Girijababu has been doing. We were grown up under the leadership of B.P. Koirala, who taught us that whenever there is a crisis in the country prime duty of a party worker is to speak truth keeping the country’s interest in mind. We are fulfilling our own national responsibility by speaking truth. As B.P. said, a political leader must speak truth even if it brings hostile reactions. I am not afraid of hostile reactions.
If B.P. Koirala had been alive, what do you thing would be his reactions to the new situation?
He would stand for his own belief and conviction. Although B.P. Koirala is not there, his commitments and ideology inspires us to speak party’s ideology. In his recently released book, B.P. Koirala firmly expressed his views on nation, democracy and monarchy. Every party worker knows what our leader said about our future.
Some of your leaders have been saying that the context of B.P’s national reconciliation has changed now. How do you look at it?
Nothing has changed now and B.P.’s national reconciliation is still valid as it was in the past and it will be valid forever. The photo of young B.P. printed as a cover page of the book Raja, Rastriyata and Rajniti indicates this. It shows B.P.’s ideology has utility at all times and is forever young. I don’t know what reasons prompted Ganesh Raj Sharma to choose B.P. Koirala’s photograph of younger age in the cover page of the book. My observation is that the picture, which only a few of us had seen before, demonstrated that B.P.’s idea is always valuable and relevant.
What are the main agenda raised by the chairmen of District Committees and other leaders at the recent meet?
The meeting helped to bring clarity in the mind of many of us. Many party leaders expressed dissatisfaction on the deviation of Nepali Congress on many issues. Few members even demanded to amend the party constitution to make it republican. One of the positive sides of this meeting is that there is a consensus among all the members that the first meeting of Constituent Assembly should decide the fate of monarchy.
What were the major concerns raised by your party leaders in the meeting?
All of them were concerned about the deteriorating law and order situation in the country. District presidents also raised the question on continued Maoist atrocities in the villages. They called to announce the date of elections for CA with credible assurance of law and order. They criticized the Home minister failing to restore law and order.
Source : Spotlight
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