QUO VADIS NEPALI CONGRESS?

The kathmandu Post, September 4, 2008
Dr Khagendra N Sharma

Quo Vadis- which way- is the Nepali Congress moving? It looks odd that it has chosen to remain outside the government. Girija Koirala is known to be a master in breaking a government- any government including his own- to perpetuate his rule- his dynastic rule- no matter what happens to the nation, to the party, to the ideology of his party, to the devoted cadres of his party and to the people at large. Ever since the CPN-Maoist were returned as the largest party in the constituent assembly election, the NC has found it extremely difficult to adjust. Prime Minister Girija stuck to his seat until all alibis were exhausted to prevent the Maoists from leading the government. He insisted until the last moment that the only desired course was the course of consensus. But at the final stroke, he led his party in the opposition bench. With what intent?

It is obvious that the NC failed to accept that they were rejected by the people as the leading party at the present juncture. History will acknowledge that the NC led the movement for democracy ever since they fought against the formidable rule of the Ranas before their removal in 1950. The removal of the Ranas and the restoration of the full power of the monarch, particularly under king Mahendra, gave the NC no less trouble. After a brief spell of democratic governance, the NC was thrown out of power by king Mahendra and most of the NC leaders were either jailed or exiled for decades. The NC kept the burner of the democratic movement alight and led the movement or the restoration of democracy in 1990. Until that juncture, the NC had nurtured an image of the champion of the people.

However, the NC became power hungry after that watershed. The people voted the NC into power, but the party did not remain the champion of the people any longer. The central leadership of the NC wove a cobweb of power, pampering a few dishonest characters with constant pouring of ministerial berths irrespective of their corrupt image in the public. The first act of dissolution of the parliament by Girija turned out to be disastrous, resulting in a hung parliament. In stead of learning from the disaster and rebuilding its image, he started breaking the government one after another. The series resulted in the weakening of the democratic set-up and the king played his autocratic card. King Gyanendra not only disregarded the constitution, but also swallowed the constitutional parties in one morsel.

Restraining the autocratic monarch was so mountainous that the parliamentary parties had to take out the rally of the Maoists from the jungle. Disarming the Maoists and bringing them into the mainstream politics was initiated by the UML but it was joined by the NC in the final act of signing the 12 point agreement which became the successful plank to push the king out. The interim period under the leadership of Girija as the PM has had its successes, culminating in the election for the CA. But the result did not go as the NC and their leader Girija wanted. It proved to be a bone in the throat of the NC. The positions of the President and a VP were created in the Interim Constitution and a role for the opposition was created to assuage the NC. The interim period was successful on account of the consensus approach in the national politics. But the NC chose to break the successful tradition of consensus and went to the opposition bench.

The role of an opposition would be a healthy development during the normal course of a nation's democratic governance. But this is not yet a normal course of federal, democratic republic of Nepal. The IC has talked of restructuring of the state, but nothing has changed except the nomenclature of the head of the state. The federal components have not even been identified. There are several other aspects of state restructuring which cannot be successfully accomplished by the government alone unless it is a consensus government. Every bit of the restructuring will require the consensus of the people because the people have wanted the changes. This needs deep probing into, and strong articulation of, the nation's best interest by each stake holder. And there is no doubt that the NC is a strong stake holder.

The CA has two facets: the constitution maker and the nation's interim legislature. Constitution making is the main function of the CA: nay, it is the main function of the state. The CA has a short tenure of two years out of which almost half a year has already been wasted. The legislative function will have to be kept only within the indispensable minimum of day to day governance. By all reasoning, there can be no room for opposition in the constitution making part of the CA. So, the utmost role that an opposition can play is in the small hours of the legislative functioning of the CA. The NC in opposition can try to restrain the government in the day to day function. But its impact will be limited because the NC will be crushed by the sheer numbers. Because the NC did not take any comrades-in-arm in choosing to be in the opposition, they are going to remain in an absolute minority.

As there will be not much to do in the opposition, the fertile brain of Girija may contrive innovative ways of destabilizing the government. It was imminent from the last hour consultation Girija did before finally surrendering power to the Maoists that he was not happy to see the Maoists in the saddle of the government. He and his pampered ex-ministers will have ample time to flirt with the parties and CA members who are not happy at the composition of the cabinet and the selection of the present ministers, and try to win them over in bringing down the government. But it is unlikely that it will be successful this time. No government can work with the Maoists outside it. And, with the UML out, it cannot work out even a simple majority.

The role in the constitution making part of the CA will also not be easy for the NC. Their decision to remain in the opposition will create a conceptual rift with the government and it will deter the process of consensus in serious issues. The provision of the two/thirds majority to legitimize the constitution will keep the NC in a weak position in bargaining and they cannot check the unwanted parts of the new constitution from being carried out in the CA. Thus, they will be ineffective both in the legislative part and the constitution making part of the CA functions.

The NC can use this new-found role of not being responsible for running the country in a number of areas. First they can leisurely evaluate the various reasons why the CA election did not go in their favor. They have been blaming the intimidating tactics of the Maoists as the main reason of their defeat. But they have fared the same fate where the Maoists have the least influence.

Secondly, they can evaluate the role of the leadership. Much has been said in this respect in the political market. They can do some introspection. Third, they can discuss internal democracy inside the party itself. Probably they can find a lot of home work in here. Finally, they can re-establish public contact, particularly in areas where the NC base has been broken during the last election. If these things are seriously done, they may regain some of the lost ground in the next election. That may turn out to be the boon in disguise for remaining in the opposition.

Nepal: Monarchy is Still the Answer

By Preeti Koirala
http://telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=4066

By all indications, it seems that India is fastly getting frustrated with the new dispensation in Kathmandu. The UPA government with the nudges from the Left had hoped that the Maoists would come to the mainstream and dance to its tunes which is why from 2002 onwards there is ample evidence that India's intelligence agencies were actively trying to bring Koirala and the Maoists together.

Shyam Saran who had close contacts with King Gyanendra resided in Kathmandu with a single purpose:- somehow pressure the King to sideline the parties so that he would naturally fall into the trap. Surya Bahadur Thapa was made Prime Minister precisely because of Saran's lobbying in 2003 despite of Madhav Nepal's natural contestation. Thapa became more loyal to Delhi than to the palace and he agreed to grant the Indian Embassy which no other foreign embassy had got from the Nepal government. It could now select, fund, implement 'development works' all along the Tarai belt without taking permissions from the National Planning Commission or the Finance Ministry.

No one knows how much money went to actually building schools and hospitals and how much was used for other sinister activities but this certainly provided the main basis for the Tarai agitation three years later. Saran's successor Shiv Shankar Mukherjee, toed Saran's line in ditto and despite of the King's repeated information to him that he was about to do what he did on Feb. 1st 2005; Mukherjee did not object to it during his audiences with the King because he too wanted the King to fall into the trap. The rest is history.

But why was India so desperately wanting to get rid of the world's only Hindu monarchy since such a long time? Nothing can explain this except for the fact that having achieved an average of 7-8 percent economic growth rate and having built a sizeable military, Delhi now wants to conduct a major operation in Tibet and take a revenge of 1962 with China. For this, Nepal is a natural launching pad as it has a virtual open border both with itself and with Tibet. A puppet regime, weak army and the police seemingly under its grip and all pro-Chinese institutions gone out of the scene, Delhi also influenced the U.S. to go in tandem on the 'Nepal Policy' that it had devised. Everything seemed to go well so much so that anti-China protests were witnessed on a daily basis in Kathmandu just before the Olympics.

But as soon as the anti-Hindi riots erupted in all major cities in Nepal, did Delhi suddenly got a rude shock? Nepalese people, staunchly nationalist as they are had acquired this new "craze" in the last two years of Koirala's hated rule to be anti-Indian. In fact, previous anti-Indian demos had also taken place during the time of Koirala's Prime Ministership. Then the Maoists who formed the government, all of a sudden forgot whatever India had done to them during their underground days and instead cozied up with Beijing. Prachanda's Beijing trip was indeed a tight slap on Man Mohan Singh's face and this was taken very seriously by the South Block.

Thirdly, it now looks likely that nobody will side with India in the Nepali political spectrum as Delhi is left with no constituency inside Nepal. Everyone likes to join the bandwagon and anti-Indian phobia will be the politics of the country for some time to come. Even supposedly pro-Indian Upendra Yadav says that Nepal's foreign policy will be guided by equi-distance and it is now almost a consensus that Kathmandu wants to dump the 1950 treaty into the bins. Defence Minister Badal will be visiting Beijing and will be receiving a guard of honour from the real PLA thereby thwarting all efforts of the U.S., India and Britain for some role in the security sector reforms that the Prachanda government is likely to embark on. The new Home Minister, a famous anti-Indian at heart, whose son studied in China has in a single masterstroke massacred all pro-Indian police officers and hand-picked an IGP that is to retire in just over four months. This effectively means that the Indian influence even inside the Police is now on the wane. With anti-Indian fervor on the rise in the terai because of the Koshi floods and the Nepali Congress on the verge of a vertical split, New Delhi is worried of not only its Tibet operation but Nepal policy as a whole. The UPA government is no more tied with the Left parties and with the general elections just round the corner, the BJP too is furious with the disastrous handling of Nepal by the UPA government.

With Kathmandu on the lap of the Chinese, every major power is desperately seeking an alternate. But who can disturb this powerful coalition of left parties who have not only street presence but also the support of the peasants, the poor people, the youths of Kathmandu and now probably also the army and the police? The President cannot rock the boat, the Constitution is not even drafted, Koirala is too old while no other leader of courage has been groomed within the NC. This leaves the world's only Hindu monarch as the lone person able to balance all powers in Nepal and thereby steer the country out of the mess that it is in. He is a nationalist but his own daughter in law is a princess from Rajasthan. He has friendly ties with China but he is not anti-American. The monarchy can always be the emergency light while also the main backbone of democracy and stability of the country. Indian Ambassador Rakesh Sood who inherited a completely chaotic Nepal policy from his two short-sighted predecessors will have to remember what he learnt in Afghanistan where the country is raging in a civil war ever since getting rid of King Zaheer Shah. It is no fault of his to face a public that hates India so much only because two ambassadors before him had kept the hay dry enough to be lighted by a single match-stick. Instead, both of them were rewarded with plum assignments which it is hoped will be 'comprehensively analyzed' by the new BJP government when it assumes office. But King Gyanendra will prove all the soothsayers right by being crowned for the third time and this is already written on the walls. If Delhi and Washington do not want to believe it, they can wait for the final outcome of the Defence Minister's official visit to China.

Ms. Koirala is an insurance executive based in Minnesota, USA and can be reached at preeti72koirala@hotmail.com2008-09-16 08:02:44

'' दरबार हत्याकान्डमा सबैभन्दा पहिले मारिएका थिए दीपेन्द्र '' समाचार - पर्शुराम काफ्ले/नयाँ पत्रिका

'' दरबार हत्याकान्डमा सबैभन्दा पहिले मारिएका थिए :: नेपाल> दीपेन्द्र '' समाचार>> - पर्शुराम काफ्ले/नयाँ पत्रिका>>>> 'दरबार हत्याकान्डको बारेमा हिजो प्रकासित नयाँ पत्रीकामा छापिएको> यो समाचारको प्रती अहिले बजारमा नपुग भएको छ । त्यसैले हामी> अनलाइनमा उक्त पत्रीकाबाट सभार गरेका छौ'-समपादक>>>>>> नारायणहिटी हत्याकान्डका एक 'प्रत्यक्षदर्शी'ले दीपेन्द्र शाहको नकाव लगाएका > व्यक्तिले गोली> चलाएर वीरेन्द्रको वंशनाश गरेको दाबी गरेका छन् । १९ जेठ २०५८ मा > नारायणहिटीको त्रिभुवन> सदन (घटनास्थल) मा ड्युटीमा रहेका तत्कालीन सैनिक हवल्दार लालबहादुर लम्तेरी > मगरका अनुसार> हत्याराले पहिलो गोली नै दीपेन्द्रलाई हानेको थियो ।> दरबार हत्याकान्डको तीन महिनापछि हत्याको अभियोगमा मुद्दा चलेर अहिले नख्खु > कारागारमा> रहेका लम्तेरी मगरले गत साता नयाँ पत्रिकासित लामो कुराकानी गरे । उनले > यतिसम्म भने, '> दीपेन्द्रको ढाडमा ६ राउन्ड र बायाँ कन्चटमा एउटा ब्रस्ट फायर भएको हो ।'>>>> आफूलाई नेपाली> सेनाको> तत्कालीन> हवल्दार र> दरबार> हत्याकान्डका> प्रत्यक्षदर्शी> बताउने> लालबहादुर> लम्तेरी मगरको> बयान>>>> हरेक महिनाको 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नकावधारीले पहिलो गोली त्यहीँ चलाएका > हुन्, त्यसपछि> चारैतिरबाट गोली चल्यो, मचाहिँ केराघारीमा ल्यान्ड पोजिसनमा बसेर बचेँ ।'>> लम्तेरी मगरका अनुसार दीपेन्द्र आफ्नै खोपीमा मरेका हुन् । 'दुईजना एडिसीले > लास उठाएर सैनिक> प्रहरीको गाडीमा छाउनी पुर्याएका हुन् । दीपेन्द्र त्यतिबेलै मरिसकेका थिए,' > उनले भने ।> वीरेन्द्र र नीराजनको लास आफूले पनि उठाएको उनले बताए । 'मैले पनि वीरेन्द्र > र नीराजन> सरकारको लास उठाएको हुँ,' उनले भने, 'वीरेन्द्र सरकारको लास लिएर सैनिक > अस्पताल जानेमा म> पनि थिएँ । सैनिक प्रहरीको गाडीमा म पछाडि बसेको थिएँ । बाटोमा वीरेन्द्रले > सानो स्वरमा> दुख्यो, दुख्यो भनेको मैले सुनेको हुँ । अस्पताल पुगेपछि के भयो थाहा छैन ।'>> गोलीको वषर्ात्पछि सन्नाटा छाएको घटनास्थलमा पारस खालीखुट्टामै आएको उनले > बताए । 'ल अब> हस्पिटल लैजानुपर्यो भनेका थिए पारसले,' लम्तेरीले भने, 'पारस र उनका > परिवारलाई केही पनि> भएको थिएन ।'> खोपीमा सुतेका दीपेन्द्र त्यहीँ मारिएको देखेका लम्तेरीले पछि दीपेन्द्र नै > हत्यारा हुन् भन्दै> प्रतिवेदन आएपछि आश्चर्यमा परेको बताए । दीपेन्द्र निर्दोष हुन् भन्दै उनले > दरबारमा बिन्तीपत्र> पनि हालेका थिए । 'घटनाको साता दिनभित्रै जेठ २५ गते मसहित लेसनायक नरेन्द्र > थापामगर,> हवल्दार शिव कुँवर, नायक गुणबहादुर पुन र एउटा सिपाही भएर दरबारको प्रमुख > सचिवालयमा> बिन्तीपत्र हाल्यौं,' लम्तेरीले भने, 'हामीले बेनामी बिन्तीपत्रमा > दीपेन्द्रबाट घटना भएको> होइन, यसको निष्पक्ष छानबिन होस् भन्यौं ।'> आफ्नो अभिभावकजस्तो मान्छे दीपेन्द्र मारिएपछि 'त्यतिसम्मको दुस्साहस' गरेको > उनले बताए । तर> 'कतैबाट पोल खुलेपछि २९ जेठमै आफ्नै हाकिमहरूद्वारा समातिएको' उनले बताए । > 'पहिले दरबारमा> आतंक मच्चाएको भन्दै समातियो, पछि एउटा होटलमालिकलाई मारेको भन्ने झुटो केस > चलाएर मुद्दा> हालियो ।'>> आफू कलाकार पनि भएकोले दीपेन्द्रको प्यारो मान्छे भएको दाबी गर्दै उनले भने, > 'म सांगीतिक> क्षेत्रको मान्छे, बाजा बजाउन, नाच्न, गाउन र खेल खेल्न सधैं अघि सर्थें, > त्यसैले पनि दीपेन्द्र> सरकारका लागि म निकै प्यारो मान्छे थिएँ ।'> उनले दीपेन्द्रलाई मुड भएको बेला खोपीमै गएर गीत गाउने गरेको पनि बताए । 'गीत > सुन्नुपर्यो> भने त्यो डल्लुलाई बोलाऊ भन्ने हुकुम हुन्थ्यो । म खोपीमै जान्थें । गीत > सुनाएर खुसी पार्थें,' उनले> भने ।> उनका अनुसार संगीतकार प्रवीण गुरुङलाई गाडीले किचेर मारेको आरोपमा तत्कालीन > राजा> वीरेन्द्रले पारसलाई कारबाही गर्न खोजेका थिए । 'तर पारसको चुनौतीका कारण उनी > (वीरेन्द्र> ) पछि हटे,' उनले भने । लम्तेरी मगरका अनुसार प्रवीण गुरुङ मारिनुअघि > श्रुतिले चलाएको कारको> ठक्करले दरबारभित्रै तनहुँ घर भएका पुरानो गोरखगणका सिपाही मारिएका थिए । 'ऊ > ड्युटीमै> उभिएको बेला गाडीको ठक्करले मर्यो । पछि बाहिर तालिमका बेला एम्बुसमा परेर > मारियो भनेर> परिवारलाई क्षतिपूर्ति दिइयो ।' पारसले आफूलाई भन्दा अघि श्रुतिलाई कारबाही > गर्न> वीरेन्द्रलाई चुनौती दिएपछि वीरेन्द्र मत्थर भएको लम्तेरीले बताए ।>> दरबार हत्याकान्ड दीपेन्द्रले नगराएको भन्ने बिन्तीपत्र लेखेको चार दिनमा > पक्राउ गरिएका> लालबहादुर सोह्रखुट्टेस्थित आरामदायी लजका मालिक उत्तमराज पाण्डेको हत्या > अभियोगमा जेल> परेका हुन् । उनी जन्मकैदको सजाय नख्खु जेलमा बसेर भोगिरहेका> छन् । 'म निर्दोष छु,' उनले भने, 'मलाई जेल हाल्ने कुनै आधार थिएन, तर म > गरिबको छोरोलाई> कानुनले पत्याएन ।'> उनको मुद्दा हेरेका अधिवक्ता भूमिनन्द चुँडालले पनि लम्तेरी निर्दोष रहेको > जिकिर गरे । '> लालबहादुरलाई जेल हाल्नुपर्ने कुनै आधार छैन,' उनले नयाँ पत्रिकासँग भने, > 'उनलाई हत्याको> अभियोग लगाइएको छ, तर त्यसको कुनै पनि प्रमाण छैन । ऊ सफाइ पाउनुपर्ने मान्छे > हो ।'> नख्खु कारागारका जेलर चन्द्रप्रसाद देवकोटाले लालबहादुर कर्तव्य ज्यान > मुद्दामा जेलमा रहेको> बताए । देवकोटाका अनुसार उनी २ भदौ २०५८ देखि जेल छन् । जेलको रेकर्डअनुसार > लम्तेरी पुरानो> गोरखगणका सैनिक हुन् । लालबहादुरले आफूलाई सैनिक प्रहरीबाट नक्कली कागजात > बनाएर पुरानो> गोरखगणमा सरुवा मात्र होइन, घटुवा गरेर जेलमा हालिएका बताए ।>>>>>>>>> लम्तेरीको बयान>> म लालबहादुर लम्तेरी मगर, घर पाल्पाको ठिमुरे हो । २०४९ सालमा सेनामा भर्ती > भएर> दरबारको सैनिक प्रहरीमा काम गर्न थालेको हुँ ।> म खेलाडी पनि थिएँ, गीत-संगीतमा त च्याम्पियन । 'रोयल फेमिली'सँग एकदमै नजिक > । दीपेन्द्र> सरकारले मलाई यति माया गर्ने कि म कसरी भनौं ! कतिसम्म भने मेरी श्रीमती > डेलिभरी हुँदा> दीपेन्द्रबाट १० हजार रुपैयाँ बक्सिस प्रदान भएको थियो ।> दरबारमा काम गर्दा त मोजमस्ती थियो, खर्चको अभाव हुँदैनथ्यो । केही पर्यो भने > पैसा> पाइहाल्थें । दीपेन्द्र सरकारले त मलाई खोपीमै बोलाएर बाजा बजाउन लगाउने, > पैसा दिने, बडो> माया गर्ने ।> जागिर खाएको नौ वर्षमा मेरो जीवनमा ठूलो चोट पर्यो, मैले अनाहकमा दुःख पाएँ । > महिनाको> अन्तिम शुक्रबार शाही परिवारले जलपान गरेर 'गुड पmाइडे' मनाउने चलन थियो । > १९ जेठ २०५८> मा पनि जलपान आयोजना भयो दरबारमा । त्यो दिन म पनि बाहिरी ड्युटीमा थिएँ । > दौरा,> सुरुवाल, कोट र कालो टोपी लगाएर पेस्तोल भिरेर म ड्युटी गरिरहेको थिएँ । > त्यतिबेला मलाई> याद छ- नेपाल टेलिभिजनमा सन्तोष पन्तको 'हिजो आजका कुरा' कार्यक्रम आउँथ्यो ।>> अबेरसम्म जलपान भइरहेको थियो । त्यहीबीचमा पारस गाडीमा बाहिरिए । एकैछिनपछि > उनको> गाडीमा केही मान्छे भित्र छिरे, पारस पनि छिरे । यो दृश्य त्रिभुवन सदनमा > गार्ड बस्ने अरू> सैनिकले पनि देखेका छन् । त्यसपछि फायरिङको आवाज आयो ।> दीपेन्द्र सरकार नसाले लठ्ठ भएर आफ्नै खोपीमा सुतेको मलाई पनि थाहा छ । भित्र > जान> हामीलाई अनुमति थिएन । आदेशबिना दायाँबायाँ गर्न पनि नपाइने । दरबारको ड्युटी > फेरि निकै> कडा हुन्छ क्या ! मैले थाहा पाएँ, पहिलो फायर दीपेन्द्र सरकारको खोपीमा भयो । > त्यहाँ सात> फायर भएपछि त जलपान भएको ठाउँमा एकैचोटि गोली चल्यो । बाहिर पनि । > दीपेन्द्रको मुखुन्डो> लाएको हतियारधारीले गोली चलायो । वीरेन्द्रका परिवारलाई ताकी-ताकी हान्यो > उसले ।> दीपेन्द्रलाई त ब्रस्ट फायर भयो । बाहिरसमेत गोली चलेपछि ज्यान जोगाउन > मुस्किल भो । म> त्रिभुवन सदनअगाडि बगैंचामा लुकें ।>> गोली रोकिएपछि पारस खालीखुट्टा आइपुगे, खुट्टामा जुत्ता, चप्पल केही थिएन । > उनले> आउनेबित्तिकै भने- ल भाइ हो, हस्पिटल लानुपर्छ । त्यसपछि घाइते र लास उठाउन > थालियो । म> पनि लास उठाउन गएको थिएँ । मैले वीरेन्द्र सरकार र नीराजनलाई उठाएँ । > ऐश्वर्यको चिउँडो> छेडेर गोली चलेको रहेछ । चिउँडो त पंखामा झुन्डिएको रहेछ ।> अस्पताल जाँदासम्म सास भएको अवस्थामा वीरेन्द्र सरकार र श्रुति थिए । > धीरेन्द्रको बारेमा> मलाई थाहा भएन । वीरेन्द्रको मृत्यु भइसकेको थिएन । वीरेन्द्रलाई हालिएको > सैनिक प्रहरीको> गाडीमा पछाडि बसेर म पनि छाउनी अस्पताल गएको थिएँ । म सम्झिन्छु, अस्पताल > पुग्ने बेलासम्म> वीरेन्द्र दुख्यो, दुख्यो भनेर सानो स्वरमा भनिरहेका थिए ।> सैनिक अस्पताल पुर्याइए पनि वीरेन्द्र सरकारलाई तत्कालै उपचार गरिएन, > ऐश्वर्यको मुख नभएकोले> प्लास्टिक सर्जरी भयो । हामीले धेरै हेर्न पाएनौं । हामी त हाकिमको > आदेशअनुसार अस्पतालबाट> फक्र्यौं । त्यसपछि के गरियो थाहा भएन ।> मैले आफैं देखेको, दीपेन्द्रको पहिले नै हत्या भइसकेको थियो । तर, > दीपेन्द्रलाई दोषी बनाएपछि> मेरो मन धेरै रोयो । म र साथीहरूले जेठ २५ गते १२ बजेतिर बिन्तीपत्र तयार > गर्यौं र ४ बजेतिर> प्रमुख सचिवालयमा दर्ता गर्यौं । सायद हाम्रो रेकर्ड सचिवालयमा होला अहिले > पनि ।> बिन्तीपत्र हाल्नेमा म अगुवा थिएँ । बिन्तीपत्र दिनेमा लेसनायक नरेन्द्र > थापामगर, हवल्दार> शिव कुँवर, नायक गुणबहादुर पुन र अर्का एक सिपाही थियौं ।>> हामीले बिन्तीपत्र दिएपछि त त्यहाँ हलचल भएछ । हामीले भनेका थियौं- दरबार > हत्याकान्डमा> युवराज दीपेन्द्र सरकार दोषी होइनन् । पहिलो फायर नै उनीमाथि भएको हो । > त्यसकारण> निष्पक्ष छानबिन होस् ।> बिन्तीपत्र हालेको चार दिनमा दरबारमा आतंक मच्चाएको भन्दै मलाई पक्राउ गरियो > । २९ जेठमा> ड्युटी सकेर खाना खाएर कोठामा पल्टिन लाग्दा निर्मल निवास (सदन- हाम्रो > भाषामा) को> फौज आएर मलाई समात्यो ।> मलाई आँखामा कालोपट्टी बाँधेर क्वार्टर गार्डमा (हिरासतमा) राखियो । जबकि > मेरो दोष केही> पनि थिएन । आँखामा पट्टी बाँधेर नेपाली कागजहरूमा ल्याप्चे लगाउन लगाइयो ।> एक सातापछि मलाई हनुमानढोकामा लगेर बुझाइयो । त्यसपछि मलाई एक महिनाजति > झुलाइयो ।> कहिले सैनिक> हेडक्वार्टर, कहिले प्रहरी हेडक्वार्टर, कहिले कता लगेर एक महिना झुलाइयो ।> दरबारभित्रको सैनिक हिरासतमा रहँदा मलाई ल्याप्चे लगाउन लगाइयो । पछि थाहा > भयो, मलाई> पुरानो गोरखगणमा सरुवा गरेर सिपाहीमा घटुवा गरेको कागज बनाइएछ । र, सैनिक > प्रहरीमा> रहेको मेरो कागजात सबै खतम पारिएछ । एक महिनाअघि समातेर मलाई एक महिनापछि > भएको> घटनामा फसाइयो ।>> २ साउन २०५८ मा सोह्रखुट्टेको आरामदायी लजका मालिक उत्तमराज पाण्डेको हत्या > भएको रहेछ ।> मैले जेलमा बसेपछि सुनेअनुसार दरबारका एक क्याप्टेनले पाण्डेलाई गोली ठोकेर > मारेका रहेछन् ।> पाण्डे नवलपरासीका रहेछन् भन्ने मलाई फसाइएको नक्कली कागज हेरेर थाहा पाएँ । > तर, कुन केसमा> पाण्डेलाई किन मारियो भन्ने मलाई केही थाहा थिएन किनकि म त एक महिनाअघि नै > पक्राउ> परिसकेको थिएँ ।> मलाई ५ भदौ २०५८ मा पुर्पक्षका लागि भनेर जेल हालियो । जेलमा बसेर मुद्दा > लडें । सुरुमा> वकिल भूमिनन्द चुँडाल र पछि तारा खनालको सहयोग लिएँ । १३ फागुन २०६० मा > काठमाडौं> जिल्ला अदालतले मलाई दोषी ठहर गर्यो । र, म जेल परें ।> म हिरासतमा बस्दा शाही रक्षक बाहिनीका बाहिनीपति सुदर्शन खड्का, पारसका > हितैषी अनुप> सिंह मलाई भेट्न आइरहन्थे । उनीहरू भन्थे- दरबार तिमीप्रति पोजिटिभ छ । हामी > छुटाउन पहल> गरिरहेका छौँ ।> तर, दरबारले मेरो जिन्दगी बर्बाद बनाइदियो । बिन्तीपत्र हाल्ने मेरा > साथीहरूलाई पनि> समातियो भन्ने थाहा पाएँ, तर उनीहरू अहिले मरे-बाँचेको मलाई थाहा छैन ।> यो पनि लेखिदिनुस्- दरबार हत्याकान्डमा सैनिकहरू पनि मारिएका छन् । मलाई यकिन > विवरण त> छैन, तर छानबिन गरे थाहा हुन्छ । मारिएका परिवारलाई अरू केही वहानामा > क्षतिपूर्ति> दिइएको हुन सक्छ, तर हत्याकान्डमा सैनिक मारिएका छन् । सत्यतथ्य खोजी गर्ने > हो भने> पारसलाई समातेर बयान लिनुपर्छ । सबै कुरा थाहा हुन्छ । सरकारले चाहने हो भने > दरबार> हत्याकान्डको बारेमा निष्पक्ष छानबिन गर्न अझै पनि सक्छ ।