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माधव ढुङ्गेल
अन्तरमि संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधनपछि नेपाल सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य बनेको छ । 'गणतन्त्रको कार्यान्वयन संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट हुने' र 'राजाले संविधानसभा हुन नदिन गम्भीर व्यवधान खडा गरेमा संविधानसभा निर्वाचनअगावै व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्को दर्ुइतिहाइ सदस्यहरूको बहुमतले पारति गरी गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन गर्ने' व्यवस्था पनि संविधानमा जीवितै राखिएको छ । नेकपा एकीकृतका नेता पर िथापाका शब्दमा, "उधारो गणतन्त्र त आएको छ तर अहिलेको मनोनीत संसद्ले गरेको निर्ण्र्ााभोलि निर्वाचित संविधानसभालाई पालना गर्न बाध्यकारी हुन्छ कि हु“दैन भन्ने प्रश्न पनि उभिएको छ ।"
पुस १३ गते अपराह्न व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्को दर्ुइतिहाइ बहुमतले संविधान संशोधन प्रस्ताव पारति गरेलगत्तै सा“झ ५ः२५ बजे सभामुख सुवासचन्द्र नेम्वाङले त्यसको प्रमाणीकरण गरििदएका थिए । तीन सय २१ सदस्यीय व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्को संशोधन प्रस्तावको पक्षमा दर्ुइ सय ७० मत परेको थियो । विपक्ष्ँमा राष्ट्रिय प्रजातन्त्र पार्टर्ीीे तीन मत मात्र पर्यो ।
संविधानको धारा १५९ मा लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र उल्लेख गरएि पनि प्रस्तावनामा संशोधन गरएिको छैन । त्यसमाथि १५९ -१) मा गणतन्त्र लेखिएको छ, त्यसैको -२) मा गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट गर्ने उल्लेख छ । अझ उपधारा -३) मा लेखिएको छ, "मुलुकको शासन व्यवस्थासम्बन्धी कुनै पनि अधिकार राजामा रहने छैन ।" अर्थात्, एउटै धारामा गणतन्त्र र राजा दुवैको अस्ितत्व समेटिएको छ । राष्ट्रप्रमुखले गर्ने सम्पर्ूण्ा काम पनि प्रधानमन्त्रीले नै गर्ने त्यसै धाराको ३ -क) र ३ -ख) मा लेखिएको छ ।
अन्तरमि संविधान संशोधनस“गै संसद्को विशेष अधिवेशनबाट कात्तिक १८ गते बहुमतले पारति गणतन्त्र घोषणा र समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली कार्यान्वयन गर्न सरकारलाई दिएको निर्देशनपछि सिर्जित नैतिक सङ्कटबाट सरकारले मुक्ति पाएको छ । त्यसबेला पारति प्रस्ताव संविधानको धारा ६३ र धारा १५९ सम्बन्धित थिए । नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस संसद्बाटै गणतन्त्र घोषणा र पर्ूण्ा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीको विपक्ष्ँमा थियो भने एमाले र माओवादीसमेतको बहुमतका आधारमा जरुरी र्सार्वजनिक महत्त्वको प्रस्ताव पारति गर्दै सरकारलाई निर्देशन दिइएको थियो ।
काङ्ग्रेस र माओवादीबीचको बाटोका रूपमा 'उधारै' भए पनि संविधानमा सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको व्यवस्था गरएिको छ । माओवादी सांसद खिमलाल देवकोटा यसअघिको व्यवस्थाभन्दा यसमा तात्त्विक अन्तर भएको बताउ“छन् । भन्छन्, "यसअघि राजतन्त्र राख्ने/नराख्ने भन्ने निर्ण्र्ाानिर्वाचित संविधानसभाले गर्ने व्यवस्था थियो, अब संविधानसभाले पनि राजा राख्ने भन्ने निर्ण्र्ाागर्न सक्दैन ।"
पुस १३ गते संसद्को बैठकमा संविधान संशोधन प्रस्तावमाथि राष्ट्रिय जनशक्ति पार्टर्ीी अध्यक्ष्ँ र्सर्ूयबहादुर थापाले कटाक्ष्ँ गरे । "यसले जनताको शाश्वत मौलिक अधिकार उल्लङ्घन गरेको छ, जनतालाई निर्ण्र्ाागर्ने अधिकारबाट बञ्चित गरएिको छ," उनको तर्क थियो, "यसले जनताको सर्वोच्चतालाई कहा“ पुर्यायो -" जनतालाई निर्ण्र्ाागर्ने अधिकारबाट बञ्चित गर्ने अहिलेको निर्ण्र्ााो दूरगामी प्रभाव पर्ने उनको दाबी छ ।
संवैधानिक कानुनका जानकार पर्ूण्ामान शाक्य अहिले गरएिको व्यवस्था र हिजोको व्यवस्था कानुनी रूपमा केही फरक नभएको बताउ“छन् । भन्छन्, "यो त शब्दजाल मात्रै हो, निर्वाचित निकाय र्सार्वभौम हुने भएकाले यस्तो निर्ण्र्ाापालना गर्न बाध्य हु“दैन ।" चुनाव हुन्छ/हु“दैन, यस विषयमा प्रशस्त आशङ्काहरू छन् तर निर्वाचन भएमा आफ्नै बहुमत आउने सम्भावना निश्चितप्रायः देखेका छन् सात दलका नेताहरूले ।
एमाले स्थायी समिति सदस्यर् इश्वर पोखरेल सिद्धान्ततः निर्वाचित संविधानसभा र्सार्वभौम हुने भएकाले यस्तो निर्ण्र्ाामान्नैपर्ने बाध्यता नभएको बताउ“छन् । भन्छन्, "अहिलेको संविधान संशोधन दलहरूको राजनीतिक प्रतिबद्धता मात्र हो, अब त्यो प्रतिबद्धता संसद्बाट पनि आएको छ ।"
अधिवक्ता भीमार्जुन आचार्य भने संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठक बसेका बेलामा संविधान बनिसकेको अवस्था नभएकाले गणतन्त्र सुनिश्चित गर्न कठिन हुने बताउ“छन् । यसले अहिले गणतन्त्रमा गइसकेको नेपाल संविधानसभापछि पनि गणतन्त्र हुने र कुनै पनि दलले भोलि धोका दिनसक्ने अवस्थाको अन्त्य भएको विश्वास भने सात दलको गठबन्धनभित्र बढेको छ ।
संसद्ले पर्ूण्ा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली अनुसार निर्वाचन गर्न निर्देशन दिएको भए पनि मिश्रति निर्वाचन प्रणाली नै कायम भएको छ तर समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको सीट सङ्ख्यामा वृद्धि गरएिको छ । संविधानको धारा ६३ मा संशोधन गर्दै २०६३ फागुन २५ गते संविधान संशोधन गरी गठन गरएिको निर्वाचन क्षेत्र निर्धारण आयोगले तयार गरेको दर्ुइ सय ४० निर्वाचन क्षेत्रको सङ्ख्यालाई संविधानमा समेटिएको छ । यसअघि प्रत्यक्ष बहुमतीय प्रणाली अनुसार दर्ुइ सय ४० क्ष्ँेत्रबाट निर्वाचित सङ्ख्याबराबर समानुपातिक प्रणालीबाट निर्वाचित हुने व्यवस्थालाई बढाएर संविधानमा नै तीन सय ३५ सदस्य उल्लेख गरएिको छ । अनि, प्रत्यक्ष र समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीबाट निर्वाचित हुन नसकेका आदिवासी जनजातिबाट मन्त्रिपरष्िाद्बाट मनोनीत हुने सङ्ख्या १७ बाट बढाएर २६ पुर्याइएको छ ।
संविधान संशोधनले संविधानसभा सदस्यको सङ्ख्या एक सय चार जना बढाएर छ सय एक पुर्याएको छ । "छुट्टाछुट्टै सोध्दा सबै दल यो सङ् ख्या हामीलाई चित्त बुझेको छैन भन्छन्," राष्ट्रिय जनमोर्चाका नेता चित्रबहादुर केसी प्रश्न गर्छन्, "यति सानो देशमा यत्रो भे“डीगोठ राष्ट्रले बेहोर्न सक्दैन ।" छ सय एक सदस्यीय संविधानसभामा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीबाट चुनिने तीन सय ३५ सदस्यको आधार के - यो शर्ीष्ा नेताको बैठकमा भएको 'बार्गेनिङ्' मात्र हो भन्छन् जानकारहरू ।
पर्ूण्ा समानुपातिकको दाबी गर्ने माओवादी र ५०ः५० अनुपातमा अडिने काङ्ग्रेसबीच निकासको मध्यमार्ग खोज्दा यस्तो सङ्ख्या निस्केको हो । राष्ट्रिय प्रजातन्त्र पार्टर्ीी अध्यक्ष्ँ पशुपतिशमशेर राणाको प्रश्न छ, "हिन्दुस्तानको संसद्भन्दा ठूलो संविधानसभा किन चाहियो -" राजतन्त्र र समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीबारे अहिले भएको निर्ण्र्ााारे एमाले नेतार् इश्वर पोखरेल भन्छन्, "शान्तिपर्ूण्ा रूपमा परविर्तन खोज्दा यस्तो टाटेपाटे अवस्था आएको हो ।"
गत असोज १३ गते संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका उम्मेदवारको मनोनयन गर्ने दिनलाई पा“च दिनपछि सार्ने सात दलको निर्ण्र्ाााट सुरु भएको अनिश्चित संविधानसभालाई पछिल्लो संशोधनले निकास दिएको विश्वास सात दलको नेतृत्वको छ । जारी भएको वर्षदन नपुग्दै तीनपल्ट अन्तरमि संविधानमा संशोधन गरेर मूल कानुनको खिल्ली उडाइएको राप्रपा अध्यक्ष्ँ राणाको आरोप छ । राष्ट्रिय जनमोर्चाका नेता केसी भन्छन्, "००७ सालको अन्तरमि विधान छपटक संशोधन गरेपछि संविधानसभा चुनाव नै भएन ।"
त्यसो त संसदीय अभ्यास समाजका अध्यक्ष अधिवक्ता पर्ूण्ामान शाक्य पनि पटक-पटकको संशोधनले संविधानप्रति जनआस्था घटाउने बताउ“छन् । भन्छन्, "आफै“ले बनाएको संविधान अर्न्तर्गत बसेर काम गर्ने संस्कारको अभाव छ ।" संविधान उल्लङ्घनको प्रस्ट उदाहरण मङ्सिर महिनाभित्र संविधानसभा चुनाव गर्ने धारा ३३ पुस १३ गतेसम्म पनि जस्ताको तस्तै रहनु हो । अधिवक्ता आचार्यका अनुसार, संशोधन प्रस्ताव संसद्मा छ कि छैन भन्ने कुरा संविधानले ख्याल गर्दैन । भन्छन्, "सकेसम्म त मङ्सिर ६ अघि नै नभए पनि मङ्सिर मसान्तसम्म त्यस्तो प्रावधान हटाइसक्नुपथ्र्यो, त्यो राजनीतिक प्रतिबद्धता हो, अदालतमा प्रश्न उठ्दैन भन्दैमा संविधानमा उल्लेख भएका प्रावधानको उल्लङ्घन गर्न लोकतान्त्रिक सरकारको नैतिकताले दि“दैन ।"
सात दलबीच सहमति हुन नसकेपछि मङ्सिर २९ गते संविधानको 'राज्यको दायित्व, निर्देशक सिद्धान्त तथा नीतिहरू' धारा ३३ को खण्ड -क) मा रहेको 'मङ्सिर महिना' भन्ने शब्द झिक्न एकबु“दे संशोधन प्रस्ताव सरकारका तर्फाट पेस गरएिको थियो । २३ बु“दे सहमति भएको भोलिपल्ट पुस ९ गतेको संसद्मा सो प्रस्ताव फिर्ता गरी अर्को प्रस्ताव दर्ता गरयिो, जसमा त्यो प्रस्तावको प्रावधानसमेत समेटिएको छ । संशोधनपछि सो धारा यस्तो भएको छ, "नेपाली जनतामा अन्तरनिहित र्सार्वभौमसत्ताको व्यावहारकि प्रत्याभूति गर्ने विषयलाई आत्मसात् गर्दै संवत् २०६४ भित्र स्वतन्त्र र निष्पक्ष्ँ रूपमा संविधानसभा सदस्यको निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्न राज्यले सम्पर्ूण्ा ध्यान केन्द्रित गर्ने ।"
तेस्रो संशोधनले यी मूल विषयबाहेक मृत्यु भएका र राजीनामा दिएका कारण रत्तिm पदको पर्ूर्ति गर्ने व्यवस्था पनि गरेको छ । पहिले जुन दलबाट मनोनीत भएको हो, त्यसै दलले सङ्ख्या थप गर्ने व्यवस्थासहित धारा ४५ मा उपधारा -६) थपिएको छ । नया“ थपिने सांसदको नाम पनि वर्ण्ाानुक्रम अनुसार संविधानमा उल्लेख गरनिे व्यवस्था छ ।
त्यस्तै, व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्को महासचिव र सचिवको व्यवस्था पनि संविधान संशोधनमा थपिएको छ । ऐनमा व्यवस्था नहु“दा महासचिव र्सर्ूयकिरण गुरुङ राजदूत भएपछि मनोहरप्रसाद भट्टर्राईलाई कामु महासचिव बनाएर काम चलाइ“दै आएको छ । त्यस्तै, काङ्ग्रेस एकीकरणपछि नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिकको नाम संविधानबाट झिकिएको र सो दलका सदस्यको नाम नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र समावेश गर्ने पनि संशोधनमा उल्लेख छ ।
अहिलेको संशोधनमा सात दलको शर्ीष्ा-नेतृत्वको स्वार्थलाई समेट्ने प्रयत्न गरएिको छ तर मधेसी, दलित, महिला, पिछडिएको वर्ग र अल्पसङ्ख्यकको हितलाई भने समेट्ने प्रयत्न गरएिन । अन्तरमि संसद्मा संविधान संशोधन गर्ने छलफल सुरु भइरहेका बेला संसद्बाट राजीनामा दिएका चार मधेसी सांसदसहितको नेतृत्वमा तर्राई मधेस लोकतान्त्रिक पार्टर्ीीठनको घोषणा भइरहेको थियो । संसद्को तेस्रो अधिवेशन सुरु भइसकेपछि मात्र व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्को औचित्य नरहेको दाबी गर्दै तर्राईबाट प्रतिनिधित्व गर्ने पा“च जना सांसदले राजीनामा गरेका छन् । संविधान संशोधन प्रस्तावमाथिको छलफलकै क्रममा सद्भावना पार्टर्ीी नेता राजेन्द्र महतोले माघ ५ गतेदेखि आन्दोलनको घोषणा गरे ।
Sunday, December 30, 2007
विदेशी चलखेल ः औपचारीकरण गर्ने कि
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अभिमत - सञ्जय उपाध्याय
विकराल बन्दै गएको राजनीतिक गा“ठो फुकाउन सात दल फेर िएकपल्ट सफल भए पनि जनस्तरमा व्याप्त नया“ आशङ्काहरू उनीहरूले मेटाउन सकेका छैनन् । केही नेताहरूले २३ बु“दे सहमतिलाई 'ऐतिहासिक' भन्न नछाडे पनि आममानिस त्यसको कार्यान्वयनबाहेक अरू केहीलाई मापदण्ड मान्ने मनस्िथतिमा देखि“दैनन् ।
किनभने, विगतले धेरैलाई आशावादी नहुनुमै बुद्धिमानी हुने शिक्ष्ँा दिएको छ । यस सहमतिको पनि मसी सुक्न नपाउ“दै प्रमुख मधेसी समूहहरूले विरोध जनाए । प्रमुख जनजाति समूहले नया“ दस्तावेजलाई आंशिक र्समर्थनभन्दा बढी दिनलायक ठानेनन् । २४ घन्टा नबित्दै त्यो अडान पनि कायम नरहेजस्तो देखियो । नया“ चुनाव मिति तोकिनुपर्ूव नै प्रमुख निर्वाचन आयुक्तले देशका केही भागमा शान्तिसुरक्षाको स्िथति झन् ब्रि्रेको उद्घोष गरे । राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकार आयोगले पनि त्यसै भनिदियो ।
सहमतिका हस्ताक्ष्ँरकर्ताहरू स्वयम् अनिश्चितताका वाहक बन्न पुगे । माओवादीका तर्फाट नेतापिच्छेका कुराले नया“ समस्याको पर्ूवाभास दिएको छ भने नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र २०४७ सालको संविधान नै ब्यू“ताउनुपर्ने माग मत्थर भएको छैन । अनि, एमालेको एउटा पक्ष्ँबाट अर्को रमाइलो प्रस्ताव आएको छ- चैतसम्ममा निर्वाचन हुन नसकेमा अन्तरमि व्यवस्थापिकालाई नै सविधानसभा बनाइनुपर्यो । अब कुन-कुन कुनाबाट के-कस्ता नया“ समस्या आइपर्ने हो, ढुक्क हुने स्िथति छैन ।
असहमतिहरूकै समायोजन गर्नुपरेकाले होला, सातै दलहरू प्रमुख प्राप्ति भनिएको विषयमै अलमलिए । एकातिर नेपाल सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणराज्यका रूपमा प्रस्तुत भएको छ भने अर्कोतर्फराजाले संविधानसभा निर्वाचन भा“ड्ने काम भएको ठहरएिमा तत्काल राजतन्त्र अन्त्य गर्न सकिने पुरानै प्रावधान कायम राखिएको छ । त्यतिले नपुगेर राजामा कुनै शासन अधिकार नरहेको किटान पनि गरएिको छ ।
राजतन्त्रकै प्रश्नमा मुलुकको शान्ति प्रक्रिया महिना“ैसम्म अड्केको थियो । अबका दिनमा पनि मुलुकले राजतन्त्रपश्चात् का संस्थागत संरचनाबारे गहकिलो बहस होइन, दरबारलाई नै केन्द्रविन्दुमा राखेर गरनिे दोषारोपणको राजनीति बेहोर्नुपर्नेछ । प्रमुख दलहरू आफ्नो अनुकूल स्िथति नबनेसम्म निर्वाचनमा जान अनिच्छुक हुनुको स्वाभाविक राजनीतिक पाटो त छ“दैछ ।
अस्िथरता बढ्दै जा“दा सहमति जनाइसकेका विषयहरूबारे आफूलाई सजिलो हुने गरी व्याख्या गर्ने प्रवृत्ति बढ्नु अस्वाभाविक होइन । यस्ता तीता यथार्थहरू छोप्नकै लागि सहमति गर्नुपर्ूव दलहरूले एकले अर्काको निष्ठामाथि प्रश्न उठाइरहेका थिए । तर, के एक दिनअघिसम्म विपरीत ध्रुवमा उभिएका काङ्ग्रेस र माओवादी आ-आफ्ना अडानबाट चटक्क पछाडि हटेर बृहत् राष्ट्रिय हितका लागि नै सहमतिमा जुटेका हुन् त - अथवा, कतैबाट निर्देशित भई कुनै अर्कै प्रयोजनका लागि समझदारी कायम गरएिको हो -
नेपालमा विदेशी शक्तिहरूको चलखेल बढ्यो भन्ने गुनासो त बासी भइसक्यो । ती शक्तिहरूका आ-आफ्ना अपेक्षाले शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई पारेको असर हाम्रँ लागि प्रमुख चासोका विषय हुन् । नेपाली जनताको आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार सर्वोपर िठान्ने सबै विदेशी शक्तिहरूले परििस्थति आ-आफ्नो अनुकूल बनाउन खोजिरहेका छन् । राजतन्त्रस“ग रुष्ट पक्ष्ँहरू पनि त्यसको ठाउ“ लिनसक्ने संस्था र संरचनाबारे आश्वस्त देखि“दैनन् ।
भारत, चीन र अमेरकिाको दृष्टिमा राजतन्त्रको र्सार्थकता रहेको कुरा बुझ्न तिनको मौनता नै काफी छ । हाम्रँ दर्ुइ छिमेकी राष्ट्रले नया“ सहमतिको खुलेर र्समर्थन त गरे तर त्यसको प्रमुख उपलब्धि भनिएको विषय अर्थात् 'सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणराज्य' बारे साधारण चर्चा गर्न पनि आवश्यक ठानेनन् । अमेरकिाले तत्काल कुनै प्रतिक्रिया नजनाउनुको कारण क्रिसमसको व्यस्तता त कदापि होइन होला ।
नेपालको आन्तरकि बहसमा राजाको वैयक्तिक र संस्थागत पहिचान छुटिनुभन्दा धेरैपहिले नै यी राष्ट्रहरूले त्यो भेद बुझेका थिए । जनआन्दोलनमाझ राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रको पहिलो सम्बोधन र त्यसले परकिल्पना गरेको राजतन्त्रको भूमिकाको हार्दिक स्वागत गरेका ती राष्ट्रहरूलाई त्यसपछिको समयमा दरबारले चिढाएको आभास हु“दैन । तर, उनीहरूले त्यसभन्दा पनि महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा यथार्थ मनन् गरेका छन्- एकपल्ट विस्थापित भइसकेपछि राजनीतिक दलहरूजस्तो राजतन्त्रको पुनःस्थापना हुनसक्ने छैन ।
हो, दरबार र दलहरूलाई पालैपालो उचाल्दै-पछार्दै लाभ लि“दै आएका बाह्य शक्तिहरूलाई राष्ट्रपति र प्रधानमन्त्री अथवा प्रचलित संस्थाहरूबीच द्वन्द्व गराउने अवसर रहनेछ । तर, त्यसबाट नेपालको समग्र स्िथति झन् ब्रि्रेका खण्डमा आफूहरूले नै प्रत्यक्ष मूल्य चुकाउनुपर्ने ज्ञान पनि तिनलाई छ ।
अमेरकिा त सात समुद्रपारकिो देश भयो । हाम्रँे असफलताको राजनीतिक, सामरकि, सैनिक, आर्थिक, मानवीयलगायतका असर त हाम्रँ उत्तरी र दक्षिणी छिमेकी राष्ट्रलाई नै पर्ने हो । आफूलाई नेपालको संरक्षक ठान्ने भारतमा त्यस्तो नातामा अन्तरनिहित उत्तरदायित्व बहन गर्ने क्ष्ँमता र रुचि छ कि छैन - नेपालमा विशेषतः भारतको बढ्दो प्रभाव रोक्न उद्यत चीनलाई नेपाली मनोविज्ञानको लाभ त छ । तर, उसले खेल्ने भूमिका पनि परििस्थति आफू अनुकूल हुने हदसम्म मात्रै हो ।
यदि नेपाल र नेपालीको भविष्यलाई यसरी विदेशी अपेक्षा र आकाङ्क्ष्ँाका द्वन्द्वले नै निर्देशित गररिहने हो भने हामीले हाम्रा नेताहरूको निरीहतालाई मात्र कहिलेसम्म टुलुटुलु हेररिहने - यहा“ हावी भएका तीन प्रमुख शक्तिराष्ट्र र संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घ सम्मिलित औपचारकि सर्म्पर्क समूह बनाए भइहाल्यो । मध्यपर्ूव, उत्तरी एसिया र बाल्कन्स क्ष्ँेत्रमा यस्तो संरचना उपयुक्त ठहरएिकै छ । होइन भने प्रश्न गर्नैपर्ने हुन्छ, संविधानसभाको चुनाव जसरी पनि गरनिुपर्ने विदेशी दोहोर्याई कतै त्यो हुन नसक्नुको दोषबाट उम्कने प्रयत्न मात्र पो हो कि?
अभिमत - सञ्जय उपाध्याय
विकराल बन्दै गएको राजनीतिक गा“ठो फुकाउन सात दल फेर िएकपल्ट सफल भए पनि जनस्तरमा व्याप्त नया“ आशङ्काहरू उनीहरूले मेटाउन सकेका छैनन् । केही नेताहरूले २३ बु“दे सहमतिलाई 'ऐतिहासिक' भन्न नछाडे पनि आममानिस त्यसको कार्यान्वयनबाहेक अरू केहीलाई मापदण्ड मान्ने मनस्िथतिमा देखि“दैनन् ।
किनभने, विगतले धेरैलाई आशावादी नहुनुमै बुद्धिमानी हुने शिक्ष्ँा दिएको छ । यस सहमतिको पनि मसी सुक्न नपाउ“दै प्रमुख मधेसी समूहहरूले विरोध जनाए । प्रमुख जनजाति समूहले नया“ दस्तावेजलाई आंशिक र्समर्थनभन्दा बढी दिनलायक ठानेनन् । २४ घन्टा नबित्दै त्यो अडान पनि कायम नरहेजस्तो देखियो । नया“ चुनाव मिति तोकिनुपर्ूव नै प्रमुख निर्वाचन आयुक्तले देशका केही भागमा शान्तिसुरक्षाको स्िथति झन् ब्रि्रेको उद्घोष गरे । राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकार आयोगले पनि त्यसै भनिदियो ।
सहमतिका हस्ताक्ष्ँरकर्ताहरू स्वयम् अनिश्चितताका वाहक बन्न पुगे । माओवादीका तर्फाट नेतापिच्छेका कुराले नया“ समस्याको पर्ूवाभास दिएको छ भने नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसभित्र २०४७ सालको संविधान नै ब्यू“ताउनुपर्ने माग मत्थर भएको छैन । अनि, एमालेको एउटा पक्ष्ँबाट अर्को रमाइलो प्रस्ताव आएको छ- चैतसम्ममा निर्वाचन हुन नसकेमा अन्तरमि व्यवस्थापिकालाई नै सविधानसभा बनाइनुपर्यो । अब कुन-कुन कुनाबाट के-कस्ता नया“ समस्या आइपर्ने हो, ढुक्क हुने स्िथति छैन ।
असहमतिहरूकै समायोजन गर्नुपरेकाले होला, सातै दलहरू प्रमुख प्राप्ति भनिएको विषयमै अलमलिए । एकातिर नेपाल सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणराज्यका रूपमा प्रस्तुत भएको छ भने अर्कोतर्फराजाले संविधानसभा निर्वाचन भा“ड्ने काम भएको ठहरएिमा तत्काल राजतन्त्र अन्त्य गर्न सकिने पुरानै प्रावधान कायम राखिएको छ । त्यतिले नपुगेर राजामा कुनै शासन अधिकार नरहेको किटान पनि गरएिको छ ।
राजतन्त्रकै प्रश्नमा मुलुकको शान्ति प्रक्रिया महिना“ैसम्म अड्केको थियो । अबका दिनमा पनि मुलुकले राजतन्त्रपश्चात् का संस्थागत संरचनाबारे गहकिलो बहस होइन, दरबारलाई नै केन्द्रविन्दुमा राखेर गरनिे दोषारोपणको राजनीति बेहोर्नुपर्नेछ । प्रमुख दलहरू आफ्नो अनुकूल स्िथति नबनेसम्म निर्वाचनमा जान अनिच्छुक हुनुको स्वाभाविक राजनीतिक पाटो त छ“दैछ ।
अस्िथरता बढ्दै जा“दा सहमति जनाइसकेका विषयहरूबारे आफूलाई सजिलो हुने गरी व्याख्या गर्ने प्रवृत्ति बढ्नु अस्वाभाविक होइन । यस्ता तीता यथार्थहरू छोप्नकै लागि सहमति गर्नुपर्ूव दलहरूले एकले अर्काको निष्ठामाथि प्रश्न उठाइरहेका थिए । तर, के एक दिनअघिसम्म विपरीत ध्रुवमा उभिएका काङ्ग्रेस र माओवादी आ-आफ्ना अडानबाट चटक्क पछाडि हटेर बृहत् राष्ट्रिय हितका लागि नै सहमतिमा जुटेका हुन् त - अथवा, कतैबाट निर्देशित भई कुनै अर्कै प्रयोजनका लागि समझदारी कायम गरएिको हो -
नेपालमा विदेशी शक्तिहरूको चलखेल बढ्यो भन्ने गुनासो त बासी भइसक्यो । ती शक्तिहरूका आ-आफ्ना अपेक्षाले शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई पारेको असर हाम्रँ लागि प्रमुख चासोका विषय हुन् । नेपाली जनताको आत्मनिर्ण्र्ााो अधिकार सर्वोपर िठान्ने सबै विदेशी शक्तिहरूले परििस्थति आ-आफ्नो अनुकूल बनाउन खोजिरहेका छन् । राजतन्त्रस“ग रुष्ट पक्ष्ँहरू पनि त्यसको ठाउ“ लिनसक्ने संस्था र संरचनाबारे आश्वस्त देखि“दैनन् ।
भारत, चीन र अमेरकिाको दृष्टिमा राजतन्त्रको र्सार्थकता रहेको कुरा बुझ्न तिनको मौनता नै काफी छ । हाम्रँ दर्ुइ छिमेकी राष्ट्रले नया“ सहमतिको खुलेर र्समर्थन त गरे तर त्यसको प्रमुख उपलब्धि भनिएको विषय अर्थात् 'सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणराज्य' बारे साधारण चर्चा गर्न पनि आवश्यक ठानेनन् । अमेरकिाले तत्काल कुनै प्रतिक्रिया नजनाउनुको कारण क्रिसमसको व्यस्तता त कदापि होइन होला ।
नेपालको आन्तरकि बहसमा राजाको वैयक्तिक र संस्थागत पहिचान छुटिनुभन्दा धेरैपहिले नै यी राष्ट्रहरूले त्यो भेद बुझेका थिए । जनआन्दोलनमाझ राजा ज्ञानेन्द्रको पहिलो सम्बोधन र त्यसले परकिल्पना गरेको राजतन्त्रको भूमिकाको हार्दिक स्वागत गरेका ती राष्ट्रहरूलाई त्यसपछिको समयमा दरबारले चिढाएको आभास हु“दैन । तर, उनीहरूले त्यसभन्दा पनि महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा यथार्थ मनन् गरेका छन्- एकपल्ट विस्थापित भइसकेपछि राजनीतिक दलहरूजस्तो राजतन्त्रको पुनःस्थापना हुनसक्ने छैन ।
हो, दरबार र दलहरूलाई पालैपालो उचाल्दै-पछार्दै लाभ लि“दै आएका बाह्य शक्तिहरूलाई राष्ट्रपति र प्रधानमन्त्री अथवा प्रचलित संस्थाहरूबीच द्वन्द्व गराउने अवसर रहनेछ । तर, त्यसबाट नेपालको समग्र स्िथति झन् ब्रि्रेका खण्डमा आफूहरूले नै प्रत्यक्ष मूल्य चुकाउनुपर्ने ज्ञान पनि तिनलाई छ ।
अमेरकिा त सात समुद्रपारकिो देश भयो । हाम्रँे असफलताको राजनीतिक, सामरकि, सैनिक, आर्थिक, मानवीयलगायतका असर त हाम्रँ उत्तरी र दक्षिणी छिमेकी राष्ट्रलाई नै पर्ने हो । आफूलाई नेपालको संरक्षक ठान्ने भारतमा त्यस्तो नातामा अन्तरनिहित उत्तरदायित्व बहन गर्ने क्ष्ँमता र रुचि छ कि छैन - नेपालमा विशेषतः भारतको बढ्दो प्रभाव रोक्न उद्यत चीनलाई नेपाली मनोविज्ञानको लाभ त छ । तर, उसले खेल्ने भूमिका पनि परििस्थति आफू अनुकूल हुने हदसम्म मात्रै हो ।
यदि नेपाल र नेपालीको भविष्यलाई यसरी विदेशी अपेक्षा र आकाङ्क्ष्ँाका द्वन्द्वले नै निर्देशित गररिहने हो भने हामीले हाम्रा नेताहरूको निरीहतालाई मात्र कहिलेसम्म टुलुटुलु हेररिहने - यहा“ हावी भएका तीन प्रमुख शक्तिराष्ट्र र संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घ सम्मिलित औपचारकि सर्म्पर्क समूह बनाए भइहाल्यो । मध्यपर्ूव, उत्तरी एसिया र बाल्कन्स क्ष्ँेत्रमा यस्तो संरचना उपयुक्त ठहरएिकै छ । होइन भने प्रश्न गर्नैपर्ने हुन्छ, संविधानसभाको चुनाव जसरी पनि गरनिुपर्ने विदेशी दोहोर्याई कतै त्यो हुन नसक्नुको दोषबाट उम्कने प्रयत्न मात्र पो हो कि?
Friday, December 28, 2007
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र पारित
संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र पारित
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?&nid=132657
कान्तिपुर संवाददाता काठमाडौं, पुस १३ - व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्ले अन्तरिम संविधान संशोधन गरी मुलुकलाई संंघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य बनाउने निर्ण्र्ाागरेको छ । गणतन्त्रको कार्यान्वयन संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट हुनेछ ।
संसद्को दर्ुइ तिहाइले संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधन पारित गरी मुलुकलाई गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य बनाएको हो । सभामुख सुवास नेम्वाङले संविधानको तेस्रो संशोधन शुक्रबारै प्रमाणीकरण गरेका छन् ।
राजाले संविधानसभा चुनाव हुन नदिन गम्भीर व्यवधान गरेमा संविधानसभा निर्वाचनअगाडि नै गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्थासमेत संशोधनमा छ । अन्तरिम संसद्ले दर्ुइ तिहाइबाट गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन गर्न सक्नेछ ।
संविधान संशोधन प्रस्ताव निर्ण्र्ाार्थ प्रस्तुत हु“दा २ सय ७० मत पक्षमा परेको थियो । राप्रपा अध्यक्ष पशुपतिशमशेर राणा, कृष्णप्रताप मल्ल तथा नेकपा एकीकृतका परी थापा गरी तीन जनाले मात्र विपक्षमा मतदान गरेका थिए ।
राजसंस्था राख्ने/नराख्ने निर्ण्र्ाासंविधानसभाबाट मात्र गर्नुपर्ने अडान राख्दै आएको राजपाका अध्यक्ष एवं पर्ूवप्रधानमन्त्री र्सर्ूयबहादुर थापा र उनको पार्टर्ीी सांसद भने मतदानमा सहभागी भएनन् ।
संशोधित संविधानमा राष्ट्रप्रमुखले गर्ने सबै काम प्रधानमन्त्रीले गर्ने व्यवस्था छ । यसअघि प्रतिनिधिसभाको घोषणास“गै राजाले गर्दै आएको राष्ट्रप्रमुखको सबै काम प्रधानमन्त्रीले गर्दै आए पनि त्यो संविधानमा लेखिएको थिएन ।
सात दलको राजनीतिक निर्ण्र्ाानुसार सरकारले प्रस्ताव गरेको संविधान संशोधन विधेयकलाई संसद्ले सामान्य परिमार्जनसहित पारित गरेको छ ।
संशोधित संविधानमा संविधानसभा चुनाव २०६४ सालभित्र सरकारले तोकेको मितिमा हुने व्यवस्था छ । संशोधनले संविधानसभा सदस्यको सिट संख्या बढाएर ६ सय १ पुर्याएको छ ।
संशोधित संवैधानिक व्यवस्थाअनुसार संविधानसभा सदस्य निर्वाचन ऐनमा परिमार्जन गर्न सरकारले तत्कालै सदनमा विधेयक ल्याउनेछ ।
संविधान संशोधनमा अन्तरिम संसद्का महासचिव र सचिवको नियुक्तिसम्बन्धी व्यवस्था पनि छ । सभामुखको सिफारिसमा प्रधानमन्त्रीबाट संसद्को महासचिव र सचिव नियुक्त हुनेछन् । यसअघि संविधानमा यी पदको नियुक्तिको व्यवस्था थिएन ।
संविधानमा अन्तरिम संसद् सदस्यको रिक्त पद पर्ूर्ति गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्था पनि छ । कुनै कारणले रिक्त हुन आएको सिटमा मनोनयन भए सभामुखले त्यससम्बन्धी जानकारी सदनलाई दिनुपर्ने र बैठक नबसेका बेला यस्तो जानकारी सूचना पाटीमा टा“स्नुपर्नेछ । मतदानअघिको छलफलका क्रममा राजपाका अध्यक्ष थापाले अन्तरिम संसद्ले गणतन्त्रबारे निर्ण्र्ाागर्ने अधिकार नराख्ने दाबी गर्दै सरकारले गणतन्त्रको प्रस्ताव ल्याएर जनतालाई अपहेलित गरेको बताए ।
सद्भावनाका अध्यक्ष राजेन्द्र महतोले संशोधनले मधेसलाई सम्बोधन नगरेकाले अब सडक आन्दोलनबाटै अधिकार हासिल गर्ने चेतावनी दिए । एकीकृतका परी थापाले विशेष अधिवेशनको म्यान्डेट सरकारले पूरा नगरेको दाबी गरे । उनले सातदलीय तानाशाही लागू भएको दाबी गर्दै भने- 'यो बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्र होइन, तोकिएका पार्टर्ीीे ठोकतन्त्र हो ।'
उनले सातदलीय गठबन्धनले लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई द्रौपदी बनाएर पटक-पटक चीरहरण गरेको बताए । मधेसलाई नजरअन्दाज गरिएकाले निकट भविष्यमा गम्भीर राजनीतिक संकट खेप्नुपर्ने चेतावनी उनको थियो ।
चित्रबहादुर केसीले मिश्रति निर्वाचन प्रणाली ठीक भए पनि संविधानसभालाई ६ सय १ सदस्यीय तोकिनु गलत भन्दै त्यसको आलोचना गरे ।
Posted on: 2007-12-28 21:20:10
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnepalinews.php?&nid=132657
कान्तिपुर संवाददाता काठमाडौं, पुस १३ - व्यवस्थापिका-संसद्ले अन्तरिम संविधान संशोधन गरी मुलुकलाई संंघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य बनाउने निर्ण्र्ाागरेको छ । गणतन्त्रको कार्यान्वयन संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकबाट हुनेछ ।
संसद्को दर्ुइ तिहाइले संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधन पारित गरी मुलुकलाई गणतन्त्रात्मक राज्य बनाएको हो । सभामुख सुवास नेम्वाङले संविधानको तेस्रो संशोधन शुक्रबारै प्रमाणीकरण गरेका छन् ।
राजाले संविधानसभा चुनाव हुन नदिन गम्भीर व्यवधान गरेमा संविधानसभा निर्वाचनअगाडि नै गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्थासमेत संशोधनमा छ । अन्तरिम संसद्ले दर्ुइ तिहाइबाट गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयन गर्न सक्नेछ ।
संविधान संशोधन प्रस्ताव निर्ण्र्ाार्थ प्रस्तुत हु“दा २ सय ७० मत पक्षमा परेको थियो । राप्रपा अध्यक्ष पशुपतिशमशेर राणा, कृष्णप्रताप मल्ल तथा नेकपा एकीकृतका परी थापा गरी तीन जनाले मात्र विपक्षमा मतदान गरेका थिए ।
राजसंस्था राख्ने/नराख्ने निर्ण्र्ाासंविधानसभाबाट मात्र गर्नुपर्ने अडान राख्दै आएको राजपाका अध्यक्ष एवं पर्ूवप्रधानमन्त्री र्सर्ूयबहादुर थापा र उनको पार्टर्ीी सांसद भने मतदानमा सहभागी भएनन् ।
संशोधित संविधानमा राष्ट्रप्रमुखले गर्ने सबै काम प्रधानमन्त्रीले गर्ने व्यवस्था छ । यसअघि प्रतिनिधिसभाको घोषणास“गै राजाले गर्दै आएको राष्ट्रप्रमुखको सबै काम प्रधानमन्त्रीले गर्दै आए पनि त्यो संविधानमा लेखिएको थिएन ।
सात दलको राजनीतिक निर्ण्र्ाानुसार सरकारले प्रस्ताव गरेको संविधान संशोधन विधेयकलाई संसद्ले सामान्य परिमार्जनसहित पारित गरेको छ ।
संशोधित संविधानमा संविधानसभा चुनाव २०६४ सालभित्र सरकारले तोकेको मितिमा हुने व्यवस्था छ । संशोधनले संविधानसभा सदस्यको सिट संख्या बढाएर ६ सय १ पुर्याएको छ ।
संशोधित संवैधानिक व्यवस्थाअनुसार संविधानसभा सदस्य निर्वाचन ऐनमा परिमार्जन गर्न सरकारले तत्कालै सदनमा विधेयक ल्याउनेछ ।
संविधान संशोधनमा अन्तरिम संसद्का महासचिव र सचिवको नियुक्तिसम्बन्धी व्यवस्था पनि छ । सभामुखको सिफारिसमा प्रधानमन्त्रीबाट संसद्को महासचिव र सचिव नियुक्त हुनेछन् । यसअघि संविधानमा यी पदको नियुक्तिको व्यवस्था थिएन ।
संविधानमा अन्तरिम संसद् सदस्यको रिक्त पद पर्ूर्ति गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्था पनि छ । कुनै कारणले रिक्त हुन आएको सिटमा मनोनयन भए सभामुखले त्यससम्बन्धी जानकारी सदनलाई दिनुपर्ने र बैठक नबसेका बेला यस्तो जानकारी सूचना पाटीमा टा“स्नुपर्नेछ । मतदानअघिको छलफलका क्रममा राजपाका अध्यक्ष थापाले अन्तरिम संसद्ले गणतन्त्रबारे निर्ण्र्ाागर्ने अधिकार नराख्ने दाबी गर्दै सरकारले गणतन्त्रको प्रस्ताव ल्याएर जनतालाई अपहेलित गरेको बताए ।
सद्भावनाका अध्यक्ष राजेन्द्र महतोले संशोधनले मधेसलाई सम्बोधन नगरेकाले अब सडक आन्दोलनबाटै अधिकार हासिल गर्ने चेतावनी दिए । एकीकृतका परी थापाले विशेष अधिवेशनको म्यान्डेट सरकारले पूरा नगरेको दाबी गरे । उनले सातदलीय तानाशाही लागू भएको दाबी गर्दै भने- 'यो बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्र होइन, तोकिएका पार्टर्ीीे ठोकतन्त्र हो ।'
उनले सातदलीय गठबन्धनले लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रलाई द्रौपदी बनाएर पटक-पटक चीरहरण गरेको बताए । मधेसलाई नजरअन्दाज गरिएकाले निकट भविष्यमा गम्भीर राजनीतिक संकट खेप्नुपर्ने चेतावनी उनको थियो ।
चित्रबहादुर केसीले मिश्रति निर्वाचन प्रणाली ठीक भए पनि संविधानसभालाई ६ सय १ सदस्यीय तोकिनु गलत भन्दै त्यसको आलोचना गरे ।
Posted on: 2007-12-28 21:20:10
Nepal says adieu to king - The Times of India
29 Dec 2007, 0001 hrs IST,TNN
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/World/Nepal_says_adieu_to_king/articleshow/2659570.cms
KATHMANDU: Two days before the 36th birthday of Nepal's crown prince Paras, the heir to the snake throne received the worst gift ever with Nepal's parliament on Friday finally ending months of wrangling to declare the Himalayan kingdom formally a federal, democratic republic.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who had been the last defender of Nepal's two-centuries old monarchy, finally gave in to the growing Maoist demand for the immediate scrapping of the throne and the proposal tabled in the house by law, justice and parliamentary affairs minister Narendra Bimram Nembang on Monday finally led to the amendment of the constitution.
Koirala himself made a rare appearance in the house to take part in the vote that was to decide on king Gyanendra's fate. Two-third of the lawmakers present in the house voted for the proposal, which led to the removal of all references to monarchy and the monarch in the new constitution. Out of the 321 MPs, 270 voted for the abolition of monarchy and only three voted against, the remaining either abstaining or being absent.
Ironically, the three dissenting MPs included Pashupati Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana, leader of the once royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party that this year decided to switch support from the crown to a republic. Rana is also the grandson of the last all-powerful Rana prime minister of Nepal who was ousted after a pro-democracy movement in 1950 and the Shah kings became the rulers again.
However, despite the parliamentary declaration, Gyanendra will not be stripped of his crown immediately or asked to leave the Narayanhity royal palace. The implementation will take place after the twice-deferred election is held by mid-April.
But if the house thinks that the king is trying to sabotage the polls, it can oust him immediately if two-third of the lawmakers agree.
Friday's proclamation had the elements of a Greek tragedy. It signified the downfall of an overambitious king who was lucky to ascend the throne twice though he was not entitled to, not being the eldest son. After ascending the throne in 2001 following the tragic massacre of his brother Birendra and his entire family, the new king began meddling in the government. After sacking the elected PM and appointing three premiers, Gyanendra finally dispensed with all subterfuge and seized power through an army-backed coup in 2005.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/World/Nepal_says_adieu_to_king/articleshow/2659570.cms
KATHMANDU: Two days before the 36th birthday of Nepal's crown prince Paras, the heir to the snake throne received the worst gift ever with Nepal's parliament on Friday finally ending months of wrangling to declare the Himalayan kingdom formally a federal, democratic republic.
Prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who had been the last defender of Nepal's two-centuries old monarchy, finally gave in to the growing Maoist demand for the immediate scrapping of the throne and the proposal tabled in the house by law, justice and parliamentary affairs minister Narendra Bimram Nembang on Monday finally led to the amendment of the constitution.
Koirala himself made a rare appearance in the house to take part in the vote that was to decide on king Gyanendra's fate. Two-third of the lawmakers present in the house voted for the proposal, which led to the removal of all references to monarchy and the monarch in the new constitution. Out of the 321 MPs, 270 voted for the abolition of monarchy and only three voted against, the remaining either abstaining or being absent.
Ironically, the three dissenting MPs included Pashupati Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana, leader of the once royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party that this year decided to switch support from the crown to a republic. Rana is also the grandson of the last all-powerful Rana prime minister of Nepal who was ousted after a pro-democracy movement in 1950 and the Shah kings became the rulers again.
However, despite the parliamentary declaration, Gyanendra will not be stripped of his crown immediately or asked to leave the Narayanhity royal palace. The implementation will take place after the twice-deferred election is held by mid-April.
But if the house thinks that the king is trying to sabotage the polls, it can oust him immediately if two-third of the lawmakers agree.
Friday's proclamation had the elements of a Greek tragedy. It signified the downfall of an overambitious king who was lucky to ascend the throne twice though he was not entitled to, not being the eldest son. After ascending the throne in 2001 following the tragic massacre of his brother Birendra and his entire family, the new king began meddling in the government. After sacking the elected PM and appointing three premiers, Gyanendra finally dispensed with all subterfuge and seized power through an army-backed coup in 2005.
Nepal's god king loses his power, prestige and palace
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article3105697.ece
Richard Lloyd Parry, Asia Editor
King Gyanendra of Nepal was stripped of his powers last night after the country's provisional parliament voted to abolish the 239-year-old monarchy
He will remain in his palace until early next year, when the decision will be rubber-stamped by a newly elected assembly that will establish Nepal as a democratic federal republic.
After that the King will be forced to move to his private residence to live as a private citizen — the culmination of six years of self-destruction by the Nepalese monarchy.
“If the King creates serious hurdles in the elections he can be removed by a two-third majority of the interim parliament before the polls,” the parliamentary resolution states.
It was passed by a majority of 270 votes to three, with 56 abstentions or absences in a parliament that includes leaders of a Maoist insurgency that has waged war on the Government since 1996.
More than 13,000 people were killed before a ceasefire last year and the beginnings of negotiations with the Maoists, who made abolition of the monarchy a condition of their participation in the peace process.
“We have supported the motion because it meets one of our demands for a republic and to clear the way for the elections,” Dev Gurung, the Maoists' parliamentary deputy leader, said yesterday. “We will raise our other demands gradually.”
Apart from the pressure of the insurgency, the crisis in Nepal's monarchy exploded on June 1, 2001, when Crown Prince Dipendra embarked on a drunken shooting spree inside the royal palace in which he killed his closest relatives and finally himself.
The motives and the precise sequence of events remain unclear. Altogether the Crown Prince killed ten members of the royal family, including his father, King Birendra, his mother, Queen Aiswarya, his brother, Prince Nirajan, and his sister, Princess Shruti.
Into the void left by the massacre stepped Gyanendra, uncle to the killer and brother of the murdered king — leading to speculation, without clear grounds, that he had some role in encouraging the Crown Prince's aggression against his family.
In 2005, as attacks by the Maoists worsened, King Gyanendra dismissed parliament and assumed absolute power. His unpopularity increased as he suppressed critics and opponents in politics, the media and the army, amid a failing economy.
After an uprising in April last year, he restored parliament, which stripped him of his powers step by step.
The Nepalese monarchy dates from 1769, after the unification of the Kathmandu valley by the Gurkha ruler Prithvi Narayan Shah and the establishment of his dynasty. He also founded Kathmandu, the capital. The kings who succeeded him were said to be reincarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu. It is the last remaining Hindu monarchy.
“Before kings were part of people's heart,” Mata Pasad Risal, a retired government official, said. “Now people have turned against him. The King has lost his position and popularity; it will be best for him to leave the palace.”
It is still unclear whether planned elections will be held given the levels of violence in parts of the country.
Richard Lloyd Parry, Asia Editor
King Gyanendra of Nepal was stripped of his powers last night after the country's provisional parliament voted to abolish the 239-year-old monarchy
He will remain in his palace until early next year, when the decision will be rubber-stamped by a newly elected assembly that will establish Nepal as a democratic federal republic.
After that the King will be forced to move to his private residence to live as a private citizen — the culmination of six years of self-destruction by the Nepalese monarchy.
“If the King creates serious hurdles in the elections he can be removed by a two-third majority of the interim parliament before the polls,” the parliamentary resolution states.
It was passed by a majority of 270 votes to three, with 56 abstentions or absences in a parliament that includes leaders of a Maoist insurgency that has waged war on the Government since 1996.
More than 13,000 people were killed before a ceasefire last year and the beginnings of negotiations with the Maoists, who made abolition of the monarchy a condition of their participation in the peace process.
“We have supported the motion because it meets one of our demands for a republic and to clear the way for the elections,” Dev Gurung, the Maoists' parliamentary deputy leader, said yesterday. “We will raise our other demands gradually.”
Apart from the pressure of the insurgency, the crisis in Nepal's monarchy exploded on June 1, 2001, when Crown Prince Dipendra embarked on a drunken shooting spree inside the royal palace in which he killed his closest relatives and finally himself.
The motives and the precise sequence of events remain unclear. Altogether the Crown Prince killed ten members of the royal family, including his father, King Birendra, his mother, Queen Aiswarya, his brother, Prince Nirajan, and his sister, Princess Shruti.
Into the void left by the massacre stepped Gyanendra, uncle to the killer and brother of the murdered king — leading to speculation, without clear grounds, that he had some role in encouraging the Crown Prince's aggression against his family.
In 2005, as attacks by the Maoists worsened, King Gyanendra dismissed parliament and assumed absolute power. His unpopularity increased as he suppressed critics and opponents in politics, the media and the army, amid a failing economy.
After an uprising in April last year, he restored parliament, which stripped him of his powers step by step.
The Nepalese monarchy dates from 1769, after the unification of the Kathmandu valley by the Gurkha ruler Prithvi Narayan Shah and the establishment of his dynasty. He also founded Kathmandu, the capital. The kings who succeeded him were said to be reincarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu. It is the last remaining Hindu monarchy.
“Before kings were part of people's heart,” Mata Pasad Risal, a retired government official, said. “Now people have turned against him. The King has lost his position and popularity; it will be best for him to leave the palace.”
It is still unclear whether planned elections will be held given the levels of violence in parts of the country.
Nepal approves bill to abolish monarchy
Friday, 28 December , 2007, 23:50
http://sify.com/news/fullstory.php?id=14582078
Kathmandu: Nepal's King Gyanendra, who ascended the throne twice against all odds, on Friday paid a heavy price for his attempt to revert to absolute reign as the parliament abolished the kingdom's two-century-old monarchy to make it a federal democratic republic.
Without waiting for the election to seal the fate of King Gyanendra, legislators finally took the matter in their own hands and voted overwhelmingly to oust the king, whose 14-month absolute regime stoked immense public anger.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who had been single-handedly opposing the Maoist demand to abolish monarchy immediately, finally capitulated, following months' wrangling and mounting pressure from the international community.
The octogenarian leader on Friday made a rare appearance in parliament to take part in the historic vote in which 270 of the 321 parliamentarians gave their nod to removing the king.
Only three MPs, including Pashupati Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana, chief of the formerly royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party, and a kinsman of the king, opposed the proposal tabled by Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Narendra Bikram Nembang on Monday.
After the twice-postponed constituent assembly election is held, the implementation of the proclamation starts. The king now has till mid-April unless another drastic change occurs.
http://sify.com/news/fullstory.php?id=14582078
Kathmandu: Nepal's King Gyanendra, who ascended the throne twice against all odds, on Friday paid a heavy price for his attempt to revert to absolute reign as the parliament abolished the kingdom's two-century-old monarchy to make it a federal democratic republic.
Without waiting for the election to seal the fate of King Gyanendra, legislators finally took the matter in their own hands and voted overwhelmingly to oust the king, whose 14-month absolute regime stoked immense public anger.
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who had been single-handedly opposing the Maoist demand to abolish monarchy immediately, finally capitulated, following months' wrangling and mounting pressure from the international community.
The octogenarian leader on Friday made a rare appearance in parliament to take part in the historic vote in which 270 of the 321 parliamentarians gave their nod to removing the king.
Only three MPs, including Pashupati Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana, chief of the formerly royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party, and a kinsman of the king, opposed the proposal tabled by Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Narendra Bikram Nembang on Monday.
After the twice-postponed constituent assembly election is held, the implementation of the proclamation starts. The king now has till mid-April unless another drastic change occurs.
House amends interim constitution; Nepal is now a federal democratic republic
http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/dec/dec28/news15.php
With the passage of the constitution amendment bill by the legislature parliament, Nepal on Friday turned into a federal democratic republic, to be implemented by the first meeting of constituent assembly.
Two thirds majority of the parliament passed the constitution amendment bill, adopting federal democratic republic and setting mid-April timeline for constituent assembly election. It also fixed the number of CA members to 601, sixty percent of which will be elected under proportional voting system and the forty percent members will be elected directly.
A simple majority of the CA will implement the federal democratic republican order.
Speaker Subas Nemwang said that out of 273 MPs, who participated in the voting, 270 voted in favour of the constitutional amendment while three voted against it.
The amended constitution states that the Prime Minister will bear all the responsibilities of the head of the state until the constituent assembly election.
Based on the 23-point agreement signed by the seven parties, the government had presented the bill for parliamentary debate on Monday.
MP Lilamani Pokharel and Padma Lal Bishwokarma withdrew their amendment proposals on the bill while nine other amendment proposals were voted out. nepalnews.com mk Dec 28 07
With the passage of the constitution amendment bill by the legislature parliament, Nepal on Friday turned into a federal democratic republic, to be implemented by the first meeting of constituent assembly.
Two thirds majority of the parliament passed the constitution amendment bill, adopting federal democratic republic and setting mid-April timeline for constituent assembly election. It also fixed the number of CA members to 601, sixty percent of which will be elected under proportional voting system and the forty percent members will be elected directly.
A simple majority of the CA will implement the federal democratic republican order.
Speaker Subas Nemwang said that out of 273 MPs, who participated in the voting, 270 voted in favour of the constitutional amendment while three voted against it.
The amended constitution states that the Prime Minister will bear all the responsibilities of the head of the state until the constituent assembly election.
Based on the 23-point agreement signed by the seven parties, the government had presented the bill for parliamentary debate on Monday.
MP Lilamani Pokharel and Padma Lal Bishwokarma withdrew their amendment proposals on the bill while nine other amendment proposals were voted out. nepalnews.com mk Dec 28 07
Thursday, December 27, 2007
Maoists yield to RAW dictates, report
TGW - India’s notorious intelligence agency RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) was behind the recently signed 23-point agreement between the Seven Party Alliance in Nepal.
The Dristhi Vernacular Weekly dated December 25, 07, writes that Ashok Chaturvedi, the chief of the RAW, had suggested the leaders of the seven party alliance to agree on the point that Nepal will be declared a “federal democratic republic” and that should be written in the interim constitution.
The Drishti weekly further referring to high placed sources claims that Chaturvedi in presence of Madhav Kumar Nepal, the UML chief, had taken words from Prachanda, the Maoists supremeo that his party too will agree on the said points as instructed by Chaturvedi.
The weekly writes that it was only after the maneuvering of the RAW chief in Nepali politics and his lucrative offers, that both the Maoists and the Nepali congress took a step back from their initial rigid stances.
During his stay in Kathmandu, Chaturvedi met Prime Minister Koirala twice and more importantly asked the PM to look into the Indian security interest more seriously or else face consequences.
“The Maoists’ party appears to have split over whether it was logical to listen to RAW instructions or not?”, Dristhi writes further.
The first set of the Maoists which felt some what humiliated to the RAW instructions comprise, among others, Mohan Vaidya alias Kiran and Netra Bikram Chanda alias Biplav, and Ram Bahadur Thapa alias Badal however, on the contrary, the group comprising of Prachanda himself and Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai maintained that had it not been the RAW instructions, the current deadlock would have continued.
The Dristhi Vernacular Weekly dated December 25, 07, writes that Ashok Chaturvedi, the chief of the RAW, had suggested the leaders of the seven party alliance to agree on the point that Nepal will be declared a “federal democratic republic” and that should be written in the interim constitution.
The Drishti weekly further referring to high placed sources claims that Chaturvedi in presence of Madhav Kumar Nepal, the UML chief, had taken words from Prachanda, the Maoists supremeo that his party too will agree on the said points as instructed by Chaturvedi.
The weekly writes that it was only after the maneuvering of the RAW chief in Nepali politics and his lucrative offers, that both the Maoists and the Nepali congress took a step back from their initial rigid stances.
During his stay in Kathmandu, Chaturvedi met Prime Minister Koirala twice and more importantly asked the PM to look into the Indian security interest more seriously or else face consequences.
“The Maoists’ party appears to have split over whether it was logical to listen to RAW instructions or not?”, Dristhi writes further.
The first set of the Maoists which felt some what humiliated to the RAW instructions comprise, among others, Mohan Vaidya alias Kiran and Netra Bikram Chanda alias Biplav, and Ram Bahadur Thapa alias Badal however, on the contrary, the group comprising of Prachanda himself and Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai maintained that had it not been the RAW instructions, the current deadlock would have continued.
King not a symbol of national unity: PM Koirala
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=132442
BIRATNAGAR, Dec 26 - Prime Minister and Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala Wednesday said that the King cannot be the symbol of national unity.
PM Koirala asked the party workers to move ahead taking people as the supreme authority.
Addressing party workers of Morang district in Biratnagar today, the PM also stressed on the need of democratization in every sector as per the changing times.
Reminding the party’s history and urging the party workers to remain united as the country was facing a crisis, the PM directed them to go to villages to ensure the party’s victory with majority in the Constituent Assembly elections.
He also vowed to democratise the leadership of the party.
Reiterating his commitment to conduct the CA elections, he also said that he would not a break from the politics until the elections are conducted.
Morang district chairman of the party, Amrit Aryal, briefed the NC President about the party activities in the district.
He also asked PM Koirala to include 25 members from the district as per the proportional electoral system in the CA.
Likewise, PM Koirala urged the seven political parties to move ahead towards the Constituent Assembly elections as their sole goal to give a safe landing to the country now that all the Seven-Party Alliance has already agreed to go to the elections.
Inaugurating the Tribhuwan University professor’s third national convention in the capital today, PM Koirala said that the elections should not be taken as a matter of victory or defeat but should be conducted for the establishment of democracy in the country.
PM Koirala, who was on a three-day hometown visit, returned Kathmandu this afternoon.
Posted on: 2007-12-26 01:22:23 (Server Time)
BIRATNAGAR, Dec 26 - Prime Minister and Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala Wednesday said that the King cannot be the symbol of national unity.
PM Koirala asked the party workers to move ahead taking people as the supreme authority.
Addressing party workers of Morang district in Biratnagar today, the PM also stressed on the need of democratization in every sector as per the changing times.
Reminding the party’s history and urging the party workers to remain united as the country was facing a crisis, the PM directed them to go to villages to ensure the party’s victory with majority in the Constituent Assembly elections.
He also vowed to democratise the leadership of the party.
Reiterating his commitment to conduct the CA elections, he also said that he would not a break from the politics until the elections are conducted.
Morang district chairman of the party, Amrit Aryal, briefed the NC President about the party activities in the district.
He also asked PM Koirala to include 25 members from the district as per the proportional electoral system in the CA.
Likewise, PM Koirala urged the seven political parties to move ahead towards the Constituent Assembly elections as their sole goal to give a safe landing to the country now that all the Seven-Party Alliance has already agreed to go to the elections.
Inaugurating the Tribhuwan University professor’s third national convention in the capital today, PM Koirala said that the elections should not be taken as a matter of victory or defeat but should be conducted for the establishment of democracy in the country.
PM Koirala, who was on a three-day hometown visit, returned Kathmandu this afternoon.
Posted on: 2007-12-26 01:22:23 (Server Time)
Ten amendments on Third Amendment Bill
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=132596
KATHMANDU, Dec 28 - Ten proposals were tabled in the parliament by Thursday, seeking amendment in the Constitution's 3rd Amendment Bill tabled by the government. The amendments sought are:
RPP:
- Fully proportional election, taking Nepal as a single constituency
- Reduction of CA members to 257 (240 elected, 17 nominated by cabinet)
- Decision on monarchy through simple majority of CA's first meeting, two-
thirds majority required to abolish monarchy earlier if king creates obstruction in polls
- Removal of parties' name from the constitution
NC, UML, Maoists: - Provisions for the process of fulfillment of the vacant parliamentarian positions
- New provision for appointment of parliament's secretary along with general secretary-PM to appoint on recommendation of speaker.
Sadbhavana Party (Rajendra Mahato):
- Fully proportional election only for 240-member CA
- Right to self-determination within federal system
- Inclusion of Sadbhavana Party's name in constitution
NPF (Chitra Bahadur KC): -
- Constitutional guarantee for election even if a registered party doesn't take part
- No change in agreed 497-member in the CA
- Dropping "federal" from the state's future model
- Remove political parties' names from the interim constitution
PFN (Lila Mani Pokharel):
- Automatic inclusion of name of new nominee in the parliament as parties recommend it
- New provision for parliament secretary's appointment
PFN (Kaman Singh Lama):
- Fully proportional system of election dividing current administrative districts into electoral constituencies
Maoist MP (Padam Lal Bishwakarma):
- 20 percent seats for dalits in CA as compensation for centuries of exploitation against them
- Inclusion of Dalits, Madhesis and religious minorities in the list to be nominated by PM in the CA
Maoist MPs (Hari Roka & Malla K Sundar):
- 505-member including one-third women
RJP (Surya Bahadur Thapa):
- No change in any clause of present constitution
Posted on: 2007-12-27 21:58:26 (Server Time)
KATHMANDU, Dec 28 - Ten proposals were tabled in the parliament by Thursday, seeking amendment in the Constitution's 3rd Amendment Bill tabled by the government. The amendments sought are:
RPP:
- Fully proportional election, taking Nepal as a single constituency
- Reduction of CA members to 257 (240 elected, 17 nominated by cabinet)
- Decision on monarchy through simple majority of CA's first meeting, two-
thirds majority required to abolish monarchy earlier if king creates obstruction in polls
- Removal of parties' name from the constitution
NC, UML, Maoists: - Provisions for the process of fulfillment of the vacant parliamentarian positions
- New provision for appointment of parliament's secretary along with general secretary-PM to appoint on recommendation of speaker.
Sadbhavana Party (Rajendra Mahato):
- Fully proportional election only for 240-member CA
- Right to self-determination within federal system
- Inclusion of Sadbhavana Party's name in constitution
NPF (Chitra Bahadur KC): -
- Constitutional guarantee for election even if a registered party doesn't take part
- No change in agreed 497-member in the CA
- Dropping "federal" from the state's future model
- Remove political parties' names from the interim constitution
PFN (Lila Mani Pokharel):
- Automatic inclusion of name of new nominee in the parliament as parties recommend it
- New provision for parliament secretary's appointment
PFN (Kaman Singh Lama):
- Fully proportional system of election dividing current administrative districts into electoral constituencies
Maoist MP (Padam Lal Bishwakarma):
- 20 percent seats for dalits in CA as compensation for centuries of exploitation against them
- Inclusion of Dalits, Madhesis and religious minorities in the list to be nominated by PM in the CA
Maoist MPs (Hari Roka & Malla K Sundar):
- 505-member including one-third women
RJP (Surya Bahadur Thapa):
- No change in any clause of present constitution
Posted on: 2007-12-27 21:58:26 (Server Time)
NC to open Delhi liaison office
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=132597
Kantipur Report
NEW DELHI, Dec 28 - Nepali Congress (NC) has decided to establish a permanent party liaison office in New Delhi to further consolidate its relations with India and also strengthen the party organization among expatriate Nepalis living in the southern neighboring country.
It is learnt that Prime Minister and party president Girija Prasad Koirala has already talked to Chief Minister of New Delhi Shila Dixit over the phone to help make necessary arrangements for the purpose. NC has reportedly requested the Indian government to provide land for building the liaison office. "It is necessary to develop a center or office of the NC here," said NC vice president and Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel.
Posted on: 2007-12-27 21:58:54 (Server Time)
Kantipur Report
NEW DELHI, Dec 28 - Nepali Congress (NC) has decided to establish a permanent party liaison office in New Delhi to further consolidate its relations with India and also strengthen the party organization among expatriate Nepalis living in the southern neighboring country.
It is learnt that Prime Minister and party president Girija Prasad Koirala has already talked to Chief Minister of New Delhi Shila Dixit over the phone to help make necessary arrangements for the purpose. NC has reportedly requested the Indian government to provide land for building the liaison office. "It is necessary to develop a center or office of the NC here," said NC vice president and Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel.
Posted on: 2007-12-27 21:58:54 (Server Time)
Nepali people will write history under NC leadership: PM
http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/dec/dec26/news07.php
Amidst reports of communists accelerating discussions for winning majority seats in the constituent assembly polls, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala claimed the Nepali people will write a history of new Nepal under the leadership of Nepali Congress.
He said Nepali people have prepared themselves to take over this challenging work.
Addressing a gathering of the NC members from Jhapa, Sunsari and Morang districts at district party office Morang on Wednesday morning, PM Koirala said the principle propounded by B. P. Koirala for national unity and reconciliation has become more relevant at this hour.
Indicating the end of monarchy, he further said, henceforth, the symbol of national unity will be the people, not any institution or the monarch.
He repeated his call for ceasing mud-slinging (among seven parties) against each other and concentrating on holding the constituent assembly elections on the prescribed date. PM Koirala also instructed the party cadres to go to villages for polls campaigning.
On the occasion, Koirala released a book entitled 'Kalapani Mathiko Bijaya' (Victory Over Kalapani) by Shankar Kharel. nepalnews.com ia Dec 26 07
Amidst reports of communists accelerating discussions for winning majority seats in the constituent assembly polls, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala claimed the Nepali people will write a history of new Nepal under the leadership of Nepali Congress.
He said Nepali people have prepared themselves to take over this challenging work.
Addressing a gathering of the NC members from Jhapa, Sunsari and Morang districts at district party office Morang on Wednesday morning, PM Koirala said the principle propounded by B. P. Koirala for national unity and reconciliation has become more relevant at this hour.
Indicating the end of monarchy, he further said, henceforth, the symbol of national unity will be the people, not any institution or the monarch.
He repeated his call for ceasing mud-slinging (among seven parties) against each other and concentrating on holding the constituent assembly elections on the prescribed date. PM Koirala also instructed the party cadres to go to villages for polls campaigning.
On the occasion, Koirala released a book entitled 'Kalapani Mathiko Bijaya' (Victory Over Kalapani) by Shankar Kharel. nepalnews.com ia Dec 26 07
Seven parties seal 23-pt deal; country to be declared republic, Maoists to rejoin govt
http://www.nepalnews.com/archive/2007/dec/dec23/news14.php
After six hours long talks at Baluwatar, the top leaders of the seven parties inked a 23-point deal Sunday night agreeing to declare the country federal democratic republic through the parliament and subject to implementation by the first meeting of elected Constituent Assembly.
Emerging out of the talks, Nepali Congress (NC) leader Mahesh Acharya said that the Maoists will also rejoin the government.
Unlike the fears that the Maoists would put a note of dissent regarding the election system, the 23-point deal is said to have been agreed upon by all. It provides for 60-40 allocation for proportional and direct election – of 601 total seats of CA, 335 has been set aside for PR, 240 for direct election and 26 will be nominated by the cabinet.
The agreement will be adopted by the cabinet meeting, which was continuing in the Baluwatar till late night on Sunday.
After the cabinet approves it, a bill incorporating these agreements will be presented at the parliament to bring about the third amendment in the interim constitution.
The parties have agreed to let the government decide on the date for the CA election.
The meeting also decided to set up a high level steering committee to oversee the government. nepalnews.com sd Dec 23 07
After six hours long talks at Baluwatar, the top leaders of the seven parties inked a 23-point deal Sunday night agreeing to declare the country federal democratic republic through the parliament and subject to implementation by the first meeting of elected Constituent Assembly.
Emerging out of the talks, Nepali Congress (NC) leader Mahesh Acharya said that the Maoists will also rejoin the government.
Unlike the fears that the Maoists would put a note of dissent regarding the election system, the 23-point deal is said to have been agreed upon by all. It provides for 60-40 allocation for proportional and direct election – of 601 total seats of CA, 335 has been set aside for PR, 240 for direct election and 26 will be nominated by the cabinet.
The agreement will be adopted by the cabinet meeting, which was continuing in the Baluwatar till late night on Sunday.
After the cabinet approves it, a bill incorporating these agreements will be presented at the parliament to bring about the third amendment in the interim constitution.
The parties have agreed to let the government decide on the date for the CA election.
The meeting also decided to set up a high level steering committee to oversee the government. nepalnews.com sd Dec 23 07
Nepal deputies set to vote on motion to end monarchy
By Gopal Sharma
http://www.reuters.com/article/asiaCrisis/idUSDEL337016
KATHMANDU, Dec 28 (Reuters) - Nepal's parliament is set to vote on a historic motion on Friday to abolish one of Asia's remaining few monarchies, part of a political pact with Maoist former rebels to move forward with a peace deal.
The vote comes days after the government agreed to abolish the Himalayan nation's nearly 240-year-old monarchy, ending months of political deadlock with the once-feared guerrillas.
But Nepal will become a republic only after the decision is endorsed by the first meeting of a special assembly due to be elected within mid-April next year.
"The parliament will vote on the motion today and incorporate a provision in the interim constitution to turn Nepal into a federal democratic republic which will be implemented after the constituent assembly elections," Subas Nemwang, the speaker of the legislature. "It is a compromise."
The Maoists have been insisting on an immediate abolition of the monarchy, a demand the government rejected saying it was against an earlier agreement to let the elected assembly decide the fate of the king who is traditionally considered an incarnation of the Hindu god, Vishnu.
The row led the Maoists, who signed a peace deal with the government in 2006, to quit the interim government in a move that delayed the assembly polls earlier set for November and indefinitely clouded the pact.
The Maoists and the government said at the weekend that they had resolved the impasse. The Maoists say they will now rejoin the government and participate in the twice-postponed elections now likely in early 2008.
"That Nepal will become a federal democratic republic will be written in the constitution is not an ordinary thing," Maoist spokesman Krishna Bahadur Mahara said. "The implementation of the decision will take place gradually. It is okay."
Mahara said the motion would be passed easily by the required two-thirds majority of the 329-seat legislature because the ruling alliance and the Maoists who control more than 300 seats had the agreement.
But some critics said the move was wrong.
"They are not allowing the people to raise voice in favour of the monarchy. It is a farce," said Shrish Shumshere Rana, who was a member in King Gyanendra's government formed after he took absolute power in 2005.
The monarch, whose popularity has dipped ever since, bowed to weeks of bloody protests last year and handed power back to political parties.
This prompted last year's landmark deal between the government and the Maoists who ended their decade-long conflict which caused more than 13,000 deaths.
The new government has stripped the monarch of almost all powers including his control over the army, replaced king's picture in some currency notes by that of Mount Everest and removed the king's portraits from public buildings.
The state-run "Royal Nepal Airlines" has become Nepal Airlines now and the government's Nepal Academy of Science and Technology has dropped the word "Royal" before its name.
The responsibilities of the king as the head of state have been transferred to elderly Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala who also receives credentials from foreign ambassadors and attends some religious functions, duties earlier performed by the monarch. (Editing by Krittivas Mukherjee and Sanjeev Miglani)
http://www.reuters.com/article/asiaCrisis/idUSDEL337016
KATHMANDU, Dec 28 (Reuters) - Nepal's parliament is set to vote on a historic motion on Friday to abolish one of Asia's remaining few monarchies, part of a political pact with Maoist former rebels to move forward with a peace deal.
The vote comes days after the government agreed to abolish the Himalayan nation's nearly 240-year-old monarchy, ending months of political deadlock with the once-feared guerrillas.
But Nepal will become a republic only after the decision is endorsed by the first meeting of a special assembly due to be elected within mid-April next year.
"The parliament will vote on the motion today and incorporate a provision in the interim constitution to turn Nepal into a federal democratic republic which will be implemented after the constituent assembly elections," Subas Nemwang, the speaker of the legislature. "It is a compromise."
The Maoists have been insisting on an immediate abolition of the monarchy, a demand the government rejected saying it was against an earlier agreement to let the elected assembly decide the fate of the king who is traditionally considered an incarnation of the Hindu god, Vishnu.
The row led the Maoists, who signed a peace deal with the government in 2006, to quit the interim government in a move that delayed the assembly polls earlier set for November and indefinitely clouded the pact.
The Maoists and the government said at the weekend that they had resolved the impasse. The Maoists say they will now rejoin the government and participate in the twice-postponed elections now likely in early 2008.
"That Nepal will become a federal democratic republic will be written in the constitution is not an ordinary thing," Maoist spokesman Krishna Bahadur Mahara said. "The implementation of the decision will take place gradually. It is okay."
Mahara said the motion would be passed easily by the required two-thirds majority of the 329-seat legislature because the ruling alliance and the Maoists who control more than 300 seats had the agreement.
But some critics said the move was wrong.
"They are not allowing the people to raise voice in favour of the monarchy. It is a farce," said Shrish Shumshere Rana, who was a member in King Gyanendra's government formed after he took absolute power in 2005.
The monarch, whose popularity has dipped ever since, bowed to weeks of bloody protests last year and handed power back to political parties.
This prompted last year's landmark deal between the government and the Maoists who ended their decade-long conflict which caused more than 13,000 deaths.
The new government has stripped the monarch of almost all powers including his control over the army, replaced king's picture in some currency notes by that of Mount Everest and removed the king's portraits from public buildings.
The state-run "Royal Nepal Airlines" has become Nepal Airlines now and the government's Nepal Academy of Science and Technology has dropped the word "Royal" before its name.
The responsibilities of the king as the head of state have been transferred to elderly Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala who also receives credentials from foreign ambassadors and attends some religious functions, duties earlier performed by the monarch. (Editing by Krittivas Mukherjee and Sanjeev Miglani)
‘The King May Decide In A Week’ - RABINDRA NATH SHARMA
http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2007/englishweekly/spotlight/dec/dec28/national4.php
RABINDRA NATH SHARMA is the chairman of Nepal’s only major political party that still supports the continuation of constitutional monarchy. The monarchy is on the throes of elimination today. But the 77-year-old veteran politician has however not met King Gyanendra since last two months. As it turned out, the monarch has apparently not felt the need to meet the chairman of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal. As Sharma reveals, the king has not met other senior leaders of the party, either, in recent days. Excerpts of interview with KESHAB POUDEL on Tuesday evening at his Budhanilkantha.
As the monarchy’s future looks almost sealed following the recent constitution amendment moves by the seven party alliances, you must have met the king to discuss the new situation. After all, you are the chairman of a pro-monarchy party.
No, I have not met the king lately. The last time I met him was about two months ago. Even the people close to the king are not in touch with me.
Other senior leaders of your party may have been in touch with the king.
I have no idea about it. But I hear that the king has been meeting some other persons lately. I am not aware of their utility. Since we don’t have major strength, arms and ammunition and are unable to go to people at the moment, we are perhaps not useful to the king at present. It is either the representatives of international community or the army whom the king needs to see more.
If the king does not see the need to meet monarchists like you at this critical juncture, does not it imply that the king himself is not interested in retaining the monarchy?
There is logic in your question. But, there is another part. As the king is yet to set his mind, there may not be at point in meeting with us now. Once the king sets his mind about the future, which I think is likely within a few days; our advice can be useful and meaningful.
What option the king is left with, now that a move to declare the country a republic is already in parliament?
In normal situation, the king’s strength is the army and the people. Either the people have to rise to defend the monarchy or the army should resent the republican move. I have not seen any possibility of the people’s revolt or the army’s open resentment against the decision of the seven parties.
The army can not come to his rescue?
It can, only if there is a guarantee of its supply lines. This depends on the direct support of India or China and indirect support of the United States. I do not see the guarantee of the supply lines if the army moved in to defend the monarchy
So, these countries especially India is now supportive of the republic move which is under consideration of the interim parliament?
The wording of India’s official statement on the 23-point seven-party deal has double meaning. It is not clear if India has welcomed the fresh election commitment only or the entire deal that includes the declaration of a republic.
What do you think will the king’s move be, now?
If the Indian statement was clear, we could have predicted the king’s likely move. Since there is confusion, no one can predict the situation. The king is perhaps waiting to see the new constitutional provisions. Only after that he will decide his future course. The king will have to take a decision after that. It should come out within a week.
Why not, right now?
No matter how big claims we make, no internal players of Nepal are in a decisive position. Our decision is always influenced by the international community particularly the two neighbors. The king knows that.
When the seven parties have already moved a bill to declare Nepal a republic and India’s new stand is also confusing, would not it be prudent for the king to pack his bag and leave the palace?
As the picture is still unclear, the king will wait and see.
Constitutionally, the country may have become a republic now. But confusion remains. If the republic is put in the preamble of the constitution, it will have a decisive meaning which will be totally different if it is mentioned under other articles. Despite declaring Nepal as a republic, the seven party’s alliance has not yet made it clear that they will control the command of the Narayanhiti palace.
What is the actual status of Nepal right now? A republic or still a kingdom?
Republic in the Singhdurbar (the cabinet secretariat), constitutional monarchy in the Narayanhiti Durbar (royal palace). The interim parliament is republic-oriented, but the country is not. The seven parties are republic-headed, but the most people are not.
And the powerful army?
RABINDRA NATH SHARMA
Even today there are many officers and soldiers in army’s rank and file who are loyal to the king.
Newspaper reports said that a highest ranking intelligence official of India was in Nepal ahead of the recent seven-party. Do you see any link?
Based on my past experience, I can say that such visit does not take place without a purpose. As for a possible link that referred to, it is anybody’s guess. But I have no substantive evidence to back it up.
But it is clear that India has gone for a republican Nepal?
I don’t think so. India has still left a place for monarchy. I think India is negotiating with the king,
What about the Indian position on the Maoists?
India knows that the Maoists cannot be their permanent friend.
If so, why did it welcome the Maoists-engineered 23-point deal?
It uses the Maoists, but does not fully trust them.
What about the Chinese position on the new political situation?
In the past, China was never involved in Nepal’s internal politics. After April 2006, China’s interest has been growing. Almost every month, a high level Chinese delegation has been visiting Nepal. China has already made it clear that it consistently follows the policy propounded by Marshal Chen-Yi in 1960 that China will retaliate against any foreign intervention in Nepal. It has given its message. However, I don’t see any possibility of a direct conflict between India and China in Nepal before the Beijing Olympics next year.
China will not bother over the boiling Terai on Nepal’s borders with India?
It certainly will. If India increases its influence in Terai through its proxy forces, China will definitely react. They have already given clear indications about it.
RABINDRA NATH SHARMA is the chairman of Nepal’s only major political party that still supports the continuation of constitutional monarchy. The monarchy is on the throes of elimination today. But the 77-year-old veteran politician has however not met King Gyanendra since last two months. As it turned out, the monarch has apparently not felt the need to meet the chairman of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal. As Sharma reveals, the king has not met other senior leaders of the party, either, in recent days. Excerpts of interview with KESHAB POUDEL on Tuesday evening at his Budhanilkantha.
As the monarchy’s future looks almost sealed following the recent constitution amendment moves by the seven party alliances, you must have met the king to discuss the new situation. After all, you are the chairman of a pro-monarchy party.
No, I have not met the king lately. The last time I met him was about two months ago. Even the people close to the king are not in touch with me.
Other senior leaders of your party may have been in touch with the king.
I have no idea about it. But I hear that the king has been meeting some other persons lately. I am not aware of their utility. Since we don’t have major strength, arms and ammunition and are unable to go to people at the moment, we are perhaps not useful to the king at present. It is either the representatives of international community or the army whom the king needs to see more.
If the king does not see the need to meet monarchists like you at this critical juncture, does not it imply that the king himself is not interested in retaining the monarchy?
There is logic in your question. But, there is another part. As the king is yet to set his mind, there may not be at point in meeting with us now. Once the king sets his mind about the future, which I think is likely within a few days; our advice can be useful and meaningful.
What option the king is left with, now that a move to declare the country a republic is already in parliament?
In normal situation, the king’s strength is the army and the people. Either the people have to rise to defend the monarchy or the army should resent the republican move. I have not seen any possibility of the people’s revolt or the army’s open resentment against the decision of the seven parties.
The army can not come to his rescue?
It can, only if there is a guarantee of its supply lines. This depends on the direct support of India or China and indirect support of the United States. I do not see the guarantee of the supply lines if the army moved in to defend the monarchy
So, these countries especially India is now supportive of the republic move which is under consideration of the interim parliament?
The wording of India’s official statement on the 23-point seven-party deal has double meaning. It is not clear if India has welcomed the fresh election commitment only or the entire deal that includes the declaration of a republic.
What do you think will the king’s move be, now?
If the Indian statement was clear, we could have predicted the king’s likely move. Since there is confusion, no one can predict the situation. The king is perhaps waiting to see the new constitutional provisions. Only after that he will decide his future course. The king will have to take a decision after that. It should come out within a week.
Why not, right now?
No matter how big claims we make, no internal players of Nepal are in a decisive position. Our decision is always influenced by the international community particularly the two neighbors. The king knows that.
When the seven parties have already moved a bill to declare Nepal a republic and India’s new stand is also confusing, would not it be prudent for the king to pack his bag and leave the palace?
As the picture is still unclear, the king will wait and see.
Constitutionally, the country may have become a republic now. But confusion remains. If the republic is put in the preamble of the constitution, it will have a decisive meaning which will be totally different if it is mentioned under other articles. Despite declaring Nepal as a republic, the seven party’s alliance has not yet made it clear that they will control the command of the Narayanhiti palace.
What is the actual status of Nepal right now? A republic or still a kingdom?
Republic in the Singhdurbar (the cabinet secretariat), constitutional monarchy in the Narayanhiti Durbar (royal palace). The interim parliament is republic-oriented, but the country is not. The seven parties are republic-headed, but the most people are not.
And the powerful army?
RABINDRA NATH SHARMA
Even today there are many officers and soldiers in army’s rank and file who are loyal to the king.
Newspaper reports said that a highest ranking intelligence official of India was in Nepal ahead of the recent seven-party. Do you see any link?
Based on my past experience, I can say that such visit does not take place without a purpose. As for a possible link that referred to, it is anybody’s guess. But I have no substantive evidence to back it up.
But it is clear that India has gone for a republican Nepal?
I don’t think so. India has still left a place for monarchy. I think India is negotiating with the king,
What about the Indian position on the Maoists?
India knows that the Maoists cannot be their permanent friend.
If so, why did it welcome the Maoists-engineered 23-point deal?
It uses the Maoists, but does not fully trust them.
What about the Chinese position on the new political situation?
In the past, China was never involved in Nepal’s internal politics. After April 2006, China’s interest has been growing. Almost every month, a high level Chinese delegation has been visiting Nepal. China has already made it clear that it consistently follows the policy propounded by Marshal Chen-Yi in 1960 that China will retaliate against any foreign intervention in Nepal. It has given its message. However, I don’t see any possibility of a direct conflict between India and China in Nepal before the Beijing Olympics next year.
China will not bother over the boiling Terai on Nepal’s borders with India?
It certainly will. If India increases its influence in Terai through its proxy forces, China will definitely react. They have already given clear indications about it.
Nepal’s royal mess - Hindustan Times
Hindustan Times
December 26, 2007
First Published: 22:01 IST(26/12/2007)
Last Updated: 22:36 IST(26/12/2007)
Political developments in Nepal suggest that the country has taken another major stride towards democracy. The ruling Six Party Alliance (SPA) has given in to the former Maoist rebels’ demand for abolishing the monarchy and signed a 23-point agreement with them to declare Nepal a ‘federal democratic republic’. With the Maoists seemingly ready to rejoin the interim government, the deadlock in Kathmandu’s political establishment will hopefully end, and breathe new life into the faltering peace process, paving the way for Constituent Assembly (CA) elections next April.
It seems Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala preferred a ceremonial monarchy in a democratic Nepal, leaving it to the CA to have the last word on the issue. But the need to salvage the peace process with the Maoists evidently forced his hand.
After all, it’s hardly democratic for the monarchy to be arbitrarily dismissed by an administration that itself is only interim, and which was expressly constituted to hold constitutional elections. It is just as well for the SPA leaders that Gyanendra happens to be one of the most unpopular monarchs in the world, after pro-democracy protests ended his authoritarian rule in April 2006.
The Maoists, who waged a ten-year rebellion against the king before renouncing violence and joining the political mainstream, had never made any bones about abolishing monarchy in all forms — even a ceremonial king without any actual power. So it seemed the obvious thing for them to do when they walked out of the interim government last September to press their demand. What was not so obvious, however, was the fact that they were actually unsure of facing the electorate after trading their guns and fatigues for a chance to become elected lawmakers. Such jitters prompted them to demand the election of a larger section of the new parliament on the basis of proportional representation.
Although this demand appears to have been scrapped in the new deal, it is not very reassuring that the Maoists have yet to give a guarantee that they would allow free polls to take place.
December 26, 2007
First Published: 22:01 IST(26/12/2007)
Last Updated: 22:36 IST(26/12/2007)
Political developments in Nepal suggest that the country has taken another major stride towards democracy. The ruling Six Party Alliance (SPA) has given in to the former Maoist rebels’ demand for abolishing the monarchy and signed a 23-point agreement with them to declare Nepal a ‘federal democratic republic’. With the Maoists seemingly ready to rejoin the interim government, the deadlock in Kathmandu’s political establishment will hopefully end, and breathe new life into the faltering peace process, paving the way for Constituent Assembly (CA) elections next April.
It seems Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala preferred a ceremonial monarchy in a democratic Nepal, leaving it to the CA to have the last word on the issue. But the need to salvage the peace process with the Maoists evidently forced his hand.
After all, it’s hardly democratic for the monarchy to be arbitrarily dismissed by an administration that itself is only interim, and which was expressly constituted to hold constitutional elections. It is just as well for the SPA leaders that Gyanendra happens to be one of the most unpopular monarchs in the world, after pro-democracy protests ended his authoritarian rule in April 2006.
The Maoists, who waged a ten-year rebellion against the king before renouncing violence and joining the political mainstream, had never made any bones about abolishing monarchy in all forms — even a ceremonial king without any actual power. So it seemed the obvious thing for them to do when they walked out of the interim government last September to press their demand. What was not so obvious, however, was the fact that they were actually unsure of facing the electorate after trading their guns and fatigues for a chance to become elected lawmakers. Such jitters prompted them to demand the election of a larger section of the new parliament on the basis of proportional representation.
Although this demand appears to have been scrapped in the new deal, it is not very reassuring that the Maoists have yet to give a guarantee that they would allow free polls to take place.
United by the King - The Indian Express
His irrelevance helps. But Nepal’s peace process needs more energetic diplomacy from India: The Indian Express
http://www.indianexpress.com/story/254156.html
Barring a few remnants of India’s feudal aristocracy and sections of the BJP, no one would shed a tear for the impending demise of Nepal’s 238-year-old Hindu monarchy. Many in Nepal, including its grand old man, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, might have preferred a ceremonial monarchy in a genuinely democratic Nepal. The impatience of the Maoists for a tangible political victory and their unwillingness to let the planned Constituent Assembly deliberate on the issue left no room for the monarchy’s survival. The need to salvage the faltering peace process with the Maoists appears to have forced Koirala’s hand. The uncomfortable truth, however, is that the monarchy has long ceased to be Nepal’s central problem.
No surprise, then, that Monday’s official Indian reaction to the latest turn of events in Nepal made no reference to the abolition of the monarchy. It focused instead on welcoming the agreement between the political parties and the Maoists to hold the twice postponed but crucial elections to the Constituent Assembly in April 2008. For nearly a year India has watched with frustration the inability of the political classes in Nepal to hold on to the basic terms of the peace process. Paradoxically, the abolition of the monarchy might remove the political glue that has held the Maoists and political parties together since a popular revolt in April 2006 that compelled King Gyanendra to return all powers to the Parliament. The Maoists, who control much of the countryside through fear, are troubled by the recognition that they might be able to come to power in a fair election. Although the political parties have accepted the Maoist demand for electing a larger section of the new parliament on the basis of proportional representation, there is no guarantee that the Maoists will allow free polls.
Meanwhile, the people of Indian origin in Nepal, who constitute nearly a third of the population, are turning militant in demanding an end to their treatment as second class citizens. The long marginalised janajatis of Nepal too are restive. It is one thing for Nepal to abolish the monarchy; it is another to lay the foundations of a genuine republic. Nepal’s successful transition will certainly require sustained Indian political encouragement and diplomatic intervention.
editor@expressindia.com
http://www.indianexpress.com/story/254156.html
Barring a few remnants of India’s feudal aristocracy and sections of the BJP, no one would shed a tear for the impending demise of Nepal’s 238-year-old Hindu monarchy. Many in Nepal, including its grand old man, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, might have preferred a ceremonial monarchy in a genuinely democratic Nepal. The impatience of the Maoists for a tangible political victory and their unwillingness to let the planned Constituent Assembly deliberate on the issue left no room for the monarchy’s survival. The need to salvage the faltering peace process with the Maoists appears to have forced Koirala’s hand. The uncomfortable truth, however, is that the monarchy has long ceased to be Nepal’s central problem.
No surprise, then, that Monday’s official Indian reaction to the latest turn of events in Nepal made no reference to the abolition of the monarchy. It focused instead on welcoming the agreement between the political parties and the Maoists to hold the twice postponed but crucial elections to the Constituent Assembly in April 2008. For nearly a year India has watched with frustration the inability of the political classes in Nepal to hold on to the basic terms of the peace process. Paradoxically, the abolition of the monarchy might remove the political glue that has held the Maoists and political parties together since a popular revolt in April 2006 that compelled King Gyanendra to return all powers to the Parliament. The Maoists, who control much of the countryside through fear, are troubled by the recognition that they might be able to come to power in a fair election. Although the political parties have accepted the Maoist demand for electing a larger section of the new parliament on the basis of proportional representation, there is no guarantee that the Maoists will allow free polls.
Meanwhile, the people of Indian origin in Nepal, who constitute nearly a third of the population, are turning militant in demanding an end to their treatment as second class citizens. The long marginalised janajatis of Nepal too are restive. It is one thing for Nepal to abolish the monarchy; it is another to lay the foundations of a genuine republic. Nepal’s successful transition will certainly require sustained Indian political encouragement and diplomatic intervention.
editor@expressindia.com
Exit The King - The Times of India Editorial
Source - http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Exit_The_King/articleshow/2656535.cms
Strife-ridden Nepal is readying itself to implement a new deal worked out between the current interim government and the Maoist rebels. One of the conditions for reaching an understanding, to abolish Nepal’s more than 200-year-old monarchy, has now become a certainty and it is expected that the Himalayan state will cease to be a kingdom in 2008 following the election of a new constituent assembly in April next.
The Maoists had walked out of the government earlier this year, demanding abolition of the monarchy. While observers say that most people in Nepal would be happy to see King Gyanendra go, the decision to do away with the monarchy was taken by the government as a reaction to Maoists’ demands and not as a response to a democratic vote-count on this specific issue among the electorate. Be that as it may, the fact is that Nepal’s woes are not going to end dramatically with the end of royalty.
Maoists and other political parties and groups need to guard against going back to a centralised structure of governance - the very system they have rebelled against for so long. Any future political and administrative set-up in Nepal should strive to be a fully democratic institutional structure, formulated in consultation with all concerned, including the Maoists.
This is a great opportunity for Maoists to demonstrate their democratic credentials, since their past actions - of violence and rebellion, some of which have had repercussions across the border in India - have infused fear in many rather than hope and confidence. In this, Nepal’s Maoists could take a leaf out of the experience of India’s Left parties that are endeavouring to balance ideology with the democratic requirements of a multiparty political system and an aware and vocal public.
India’s role in Nepal’s political churning has been constructive, and in no small measure contributed to Kathmandu veering towards multiparty democracy. India has had to revise its stand on the monarchy in Nepal from one of advocacy to studied neutrality. That China has preferred to stay neutral and the US and UK are supportive of India’s attempts to hasten the peace process has helped ferment Nepal’s political process and coming of age after long years of turmoil following the tragic royal massacre in 2001. It is in Nepal’s interests to shore up support from countries like India to avert being branded as a 'failed state’ and prove that even without a constitutional monarchy, a democratic political process can bring the people of Nepal together.
Strife-ridden Nepal is readying itself to implement a new deal worked out between the current interim government and the Maoist rebels. One of the conditions for reaching an understanding, to abolish Nepal’s more than 200-year-old monarchy, has now become a certainty and it is expected that the Himalayan state will cease to be a kingdom in 2008 following the election of a new constituent assembly in April next.
The Maoists had walked out of the government earlier this year, demanding abolition of the monarchy. While observers say that most people in Nepal would be happy to see King Gyanendra go, the decision to do away with the monarchy was taken by the government as a reaction to Maoists’ demands and not as a response to a democratic vote-count on this specific issue among the electorate. Be that as it may, the fact is that Nepal’s woes are not going to end dramatically with the end of royalty.
Maoists and other political parties and groups need to guard against going back to a centralised structure of governance - the very system they have rebelled against for so long. Any future political and administrative set-up in Nepal should strive to be a fully democratic institutional structure, formulated in consultation with all concerned, including the Maoists.
This is a great opportunity for Maoists to demonstrate their democratic credentials, since their past actions - of violence and rebellion, some of which have had repercussions across the border in India - have infused fear in many rather than hope and confidence. In this, Nepal’s Maoists could take a leaf out of the experience of India’s Left parties that are endeavouring to balance ideology with the democratic requirements of a multiparty political system and an aware and vocal public.
India’s role in Nepal’s political churning has been constructive, and in no small measure contributed to Kathmandu veering towards multiparty democracy. India has had to revise its stand on the monarchy in Nepal from one of advocacy to studied neutrality. That China has preferred to stay neutral and the US and UK are supportive of India’s attempts to hasten the peace process has helped ferment Nepal’s political process and coming of age after long years of turmoil following the tragic royal massacre in 2001. It is in Nepal’s interests to shore up support from countries like India to avert being branded as a 'failed state’ and prove that even without a constitutional monarchy, a democratic political process can bring the people of Nepal together.
POLITICS-NEPAL: Monarchy's Fate Sealed, Maoists to Rejoin Gov't
By Damakant Jayshi
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=40591
KATHMANDU, Dec 26 (IPS) - Having negotiated an agreement for the formal abolition of the 240-year-old monarchy, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is now set to rejoin the government.
''We will return to the government in a day or two,'' CPN (M) leader Puspa Kamal Dahal told reporters on Monday.
On Sunday, after a seven-hour discussion ended months of bickering over the monarchy issue between the two major constituents of the seven-party alliance -- the centrist Nepali Congress party and the CPN (M) -- the death knell for the beleaguered monarchy, led by the hugely unpopular king Gyanendra Shah, was sounded.
The CPN(M), which led a decade-long armed struggle against the monarchy, before laying down arms under a November 2006 peace accord and joining an interim government, had threatened to disrupt elections to constituent assembly if the country was not declared a republic first.
For the Maoists, who as part of the peace accord had agreed to confine some 30,000 of their fighters in United Nations supervised camps, the main concern was that pro-monarchy forces could still undermine the elections and move to reverse the hard fought gains of the armed struggle.
But the Maoists relented after other parties -- chief among them the Nepali Congress -- refused to declare the country a republic before an elected assembly convened. As per the 23-point deal agreed to by the parties, Nepal will become a federal democratic republic after the first meeting of the constituent assembly, elections to which are to be held in mid-April. The parties have agreed to announce a date soon.
Until the first meeting of the assembly convenes, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala will perform all the functions of the head of state, thus effectively denying any role for the king.
The parties have also agreed to hold the assembly polls under a parallel electoral system where 335 members of the 601-member assembly will be elected through proportional system, while 240 members will be elected through first-past-the-post system from parliamentary seat constituencies that were redrawn and increased from the existing 205. The rest will be nominated by the prime minister.
"A Nepal republic is inevitable," Prof. Krishna Khanal, a well-known political analyst, told IPS. "It is a welcome development."
Khanal, however, was critical that the political parties were "wasting" a lot of time debating the fate of the monarchy. "The country already had entered republican mode right since the massive popular movement against Gyanendra in April 2006. So why this fuss over declaration?"
There was immediate opposition to Sunday’s decision from the monarchist camp.
Former prime minister and chairman of the Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) Surya Bahadur Thapa blasted the deal, terming it unacceptable and lacking any mandate from the people of the country.
"This is an infringement on the rights of the people," said the five-time prime minister, considered close to the royal palace, while speaking in the interim parliament on Monday. "This also is an attack on the fundamental norms of democracy." He was speaking during the debate on the government-tabled proposal reflecting the new agreement to amend the interim constitution.
Thapa has been insisting on implementing an earlier pact between the parties and the Maoists in which they had agreed that the very first meeting of the constituent assembly would decide the fate of the monarchy by a simple majority.
Another pro-monarchy party which has been playing the role of opposition in the interim parliament was also critical of the decision to abolish the monarchy. "The people should be allowed to take such a decision," said Pashupati Shumsher Rana, leader of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). The RPP, which had all along been pro-palace, had, however, decided to withdraw all references to the monarchy from its party's statute.
The latest move against the Shah Dynasty, established by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768, was expected, once the country's largest party, the Nepali Congress, decided to go for a federal republic state. Right after the success of the ‘April movement’ that was largely aimed at Gyanendra, his unpopular son Paras -- and by extension the institution they represent -- the debate was more about when and not if the monarchy should be abolished.
Only two years ago, with the army behind him, Gyanendra and Nepal's monarchy seemed invincible.
Nepal's monarchy has not recovered from a tragic massacre in the royal palace in June 2001. A majority of people do not believe the verdict of a government-appointed probe that the then heir to the throne, Gyanendra's nephew, killed nine members of his family before shooting himself.
Gyanendra, who succeeded to the throne after the massacre, dismissed the elected government in February 2005 after charging it with failure to end the Maoist insurgency and ruled as an autocratic monarch for 14 months.
But faced with mass demonstrations, Gyanendra was compelled to restore parliament in April 2006. Once his title as head of the army was removed his authority was severely crippled.
With even the top officers of the Nepal army now saying, both in private as well as public, that they would accept the verdict of the elected constituent assembly, it is truly the end of the road for the ‘world’s last Hindu kingdom’.
(END/2007)
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=40591
KATHMANDU, Dec 26 (IPS) - Having negotiated an agreement for the formal abolition of the 240-year-old monarchy, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is now set to rejoin the government.
''We will return to the government in a day or two,'' CPN (M) leader Puspa Kamal Dahal told reporters on Monday.
On Sunday, after a seven-hour discussion ended months of bickering over the monarchy issue between the two major constituents of the seven-party alliance -- the centrist Nepali Congress party and the CPN (M) -- the death knell for the beleaguered monarchy, led by the hugely unpopular king Gyanendra Shah, was sounded.
The CPN(M), which led a decade-long armed struggle against the monarchy, before laying down arms under a November 2006 peace accord and joining an interim government, had threatened to disrupt elections to constituent assembly if the country was not declared a republic first.
For the Maoists, who as part of the peace accord had agreed to confine some 30,000 of their fighters in United Nations supervised camps, the main concern was that pro-monarchy forces could still undermine the elections and move to reverse the hard fought gains of the armed struggle.
But the Maoists relented after other parties -- chief among them the Nepali Congress -- refused to declare the country a republic before an elected assembly convened. As per the 23-point deal agreed to by the parties, Nepal will become a federal democratic republic after the first meeting of the constituent assembly, elections to which are to be held in mid-April. The parties have agreed to announce a date soon.
Until the first meeting of the assembly convenes, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala will perform all the functions of the head of state, thus effectively denying any role for the king.
The parties have also agreed to hold the assembly polls under a parallel electoral system where 335 members of the 601-member assembly will be elected through proportional system, while 240 members will be elected through first-past-the-post system from parliamentary seat constituencies that were redrawn and increased from the existing 205. The rest will be nominated by the prime minister.
"A Nepal republic is inevitable," Prof. Krishna Khanal, a well-known political analyst, told IPS. "It is a welcome development."
Khanal, however, was critical that the political parties were "wasting" a lot of time debating the fate of the monarchy. "The country already had entered republican mode right since the massive popular movement against Gyanendra in April 2006. So why this fuss over declaration?"
There was immediate opposition to Sunday’s decision from the monarchist camp.
Former prime minister and chairman of the Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) Surya Bahadur Thapa blasted the deal, terming it unacceptable and lacking any mandate from the people of the country.
"This is an infringement on the rights of the people," said the five-time prime minister, considered close to the royal palace, while speaking in the interim parliament on Monday. "This also is an attack on the fundamental norms of democracy." He was speaking during the debate on the government-tabled proposal reflecting the new agreement to amend the interim constitution.
Thapa has been insisting on implementing an earlier pact between the parties and the Maoists in which they had agreed that the very first meeting of the constituent assembly would decide the fate of the monarchy by a simple majority.
Another pro-monarchy party which has been playing the role of opposition in the interim parliament was also critical of the decision to abolish the monarchy. "The people should be allowed to take such a decision," said Pashupati Shumsher Rana, leader of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). The RPP, which had all along been pro-palace, had, however, decided to withdraw all references to the monarchy from its party's statute.
The latest move against the Shah Dynasty, established by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768, was expected, once the country's largest party, the Nepali Congress, decided to go for a federal republic state. Right after the success of the ‘April movement’ that was largely aimed at Gyanendra, his unpopular son Paras -- and by extension the institution they represent -- the debate was more about when and not if the monarchy should be abolished.
Only two years ago, with the army behind him, Gyanendra and Nepal's monarchy seemed invincible.
Nepal's monarchy has not recovered from a tragic massacre in the royal palace in June 2001. A majority of people do not believe the verdict of a government-appointed probe that the then heir to the throne, Gyanendra's nephew, killed nine members of his family before shooting himself.
Gyanendra, who succeeded to the throne after the massacre, dismissed the elected government in February 2005 after charging it with failure to end the Maoist insurgency and ruled as an autocratic monarch for 14 months.
But faced with mass demonstrations, Gyanendra was compelled to restore parliament in April 2006. Once his title as head of the army was removed his authority was severely crippled.
With even the top officers of the Nepal army now saying, both in private as well as public, that they would accept the verdict of the elected constituent assembly, it is truly the end of the road for the ‘world’s last Hindu kingdom’.
(END/2007)
From Hindu kingdom to secular republic
Nepal's democracy will need strong foundations
Editorial
http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=16508
NEPAL'S monarchy is finally set to make an exit. The decision by the country's major political parties to do away with it, in line with the long-standing demand of the people, most vigorously articulated by Maoists, is a development that cannot but satisfy the Nepalese population and people of the Saarc region as a whole. That sense of satisfaction of course has to do with some recent actions of King Gyanendra himself. Since taking charge of the throne following the murder of his brother, King Birendra and his family, in 2001, Gyanendra has not exactly endeared himself to the people of Nepal. But it was his seizure of absolute power, through which he sought to impose grave restrictions on politics, that proved to be the last straw. In the end, popular discontent made the monarch eat humble pie.
The latest development should bode well for Nepal's democracy which, in many ways, is still a fledgling one. But one of the brighter aspects of all this effort to transform the Hindu kingdom into a republic is the willingness with which the Maoists have joined hands with the traditional parties. For all the hiccups of the past few months, when the Maoists quit the coalition government to demand that a clear decision be taken about abolishing the monarchy, there was hardly any doubt in the popular mind about the fate of King Gyanendra and his family. Now that a consensus has finally developed on the state of Nepal's future politics and Maoist leader Prachanda prepares to lead his party back into the government, it is a new, stable order that has become the priority in the country. Nepal's break with the past will be all the more remarkable considering that it will move headlong from being a Hindu kingdom to a secular republic. It will be to the credit of the politicians in Kathmandu, including the Maoists, if they finally succeed in laying the foundations of such a new order.
And yet there cannot be any illusions about the future. The Maoists, having waged a long, often terrifying guerrilla war in the mountains, must convince Nepal's people that they have repudiated the path of revolution in favour of a modern democracy. For the other parties, their internecine squabbles will need to end if democracy is not to descend into chaos.
However, we conclude by expressing our deep sense of satisfaction that when religious extremism is causing such havoc in many parts of the Saarc region. Nepal becomes a secular country from a religious one.
Editorial
http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=16508
NEPAL'S monarchy is finally set to make an exit. The decision by the country's major political parties to do away with it, in line with the long-standing demand of the people, most vigorously articulated by Maoists, is a development that cannot but satisfy the Nepalese population and people of the Saarc region as a whole. That sense of satisfaction of course has to do with some recent actions of King Gyanendra himself. Since taking charge of the throne following the murder of his brother, King Birendra and his family, in 2001, Gyanendra has not exactly endeared himself to the people of Nepal. But it was his seizure of absolute power, through which he sought to impose grave restrictions on politics, that proved to be the last straw. In the end, popular discontent made the monarch eat humble pie.
The latest development should bode well for Nepal's democracy which, in many ways, is still a fledgling one. But one of the brighter aspects of all this effort to transform the Hindu kingdom into a republic is the willingness with which the Maoists have joined hands with the traditional parties. For all the hiccups of the past few months, when the Maoists quit the coalition government to demand that a clear decision be taken about abolishing the monarchy, there was hardly any doubt in the popular mind about the fate of King Gyanendra and his family. Now that a consensus has finally developed on the state of Nepal's future politics and Maoist leader Prachanda prepares to lead his party back into the government, it is a new, stable order that has become the priority in the country. Nepal's break with the past will be all the more remarkable considering that it will move headlong from being a Hindu kingdom to a secular republic. It will be to the credit of the politicians in Kathmandu, including the Maoists, if they finally succeed in laying the foundations of such a new order.
And yet there cannot be any illusions about the future. The Maoists, having waged a long, often terrifying guerrilla war in the mountains, must convince Nepal's people that they have repudiated the path of revolution in favour of a modern democracy. For the other parties, their internecine squabbles will need to end if democracy is not to descend into chaos.
However, we conclude by expressing our deep sense of satisfaction that when religious extremism is causing such havoc in many parts of the Saarc region. Nepal becomes a secular country from a religious one.
Factions in Nepal agree on way to dethrone ruler, end monarchy
By Binaj Gurubacharya - ASSOCIATED PRESS
Updated: 12/25/07 6:42 AM
KATMANDU, Nepal — The world’s last Hindu monarchy is to be swept aside under an agreement between Nepal’s former communist rebels and its major political parties that sets the stage for the country to become a republic.
The accord may finally bring a measure of peace and stability that has long eluded this impoverished, near-feudal wonderland for backpackers and mountain climbers looking to scale Mount Everest and other peaks.
King Gyanendra has been at the center of much of Nepal’s turmoil. The widely reviled ruler headed a dynasty that for centuries held absolute sway over the country — a primacy he sought to reassert nearly two years ago when he dismissed parliament and seized dictatorial powers.
The power grab was his undoing. The resulting unrest brought his enemies together, stoked the anger of an already wary public and, as the deal signed Sunday makes clear, put Nepal on the road to becoming a republic.
The dynasty dates to 1769, when a regional ruler led an army down from the hills and conquered the ancient city of Katmandu. He established a line of kings traditionally considered reincarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu, to be venerated by their subjects.
In the following centuries, that was often the case. But Gyanendra, the 12th Shah dynasty monarch, never has enjoyed the popularity of his predecessors.
His tumultuous reign began in 2001 after a palace massacre in which the crown prince is believed to have gunned down King Birendra — Gyanendra’s older brother — and much of the royal family before killing himself.
The slaughter of 10 members of the royal family helped pierce the mystique surrounding Nepal’s royalty.
Four years later, Gyanendra dismissed Nepal’s parliament and seized total power, saying he would bring order to a chaotic political scene and quell the communist insurgency.
But the insurgency worsened, the economy faltered, and Gyanendra used heavy-handed tactics to silence the opposition, jailing opponents and banning criticism of himself, his government and the army.
As a result, the communists joined forces with the country’s main political parties to orchestrate weeks of unrest in April 2006 that ended with Gyanendra’s restoring the parliament. He has since been stripped of his powers, his command over the army and his immunity from prosecution.
That wasn’t enough for the communists, who are known as the Maoists. They ended their decade-long rebellion — a fight that killed about 13,000 people — last year and later joined the country’s interim government.
But they withdrew in September, demanding an immediate end to the monarchy. The other political parties said such action could be taken only after the election of an assembly to rewrite the constitution.
The Maoists’ move plunged Nepal into a political crisis, derailing plans to elect the assembly and threatening its transition to democracy.
Sunday’s deal brings the Maoists back into the government by agreeing to eliminate the king once the assembly is elected, possibly in the first half of next year.
Updated: 12/25/07 6:42 AM
KATMANDU, Nepal — The world’s last Hindu monarchy is to be swept aside under an agreement between Nepal’s former communist rebels and its major political parties that sets the stage for the country to become a republic.
The accord may finally bring a measure of peace and stability that has long eluded this impoverished, near-feudal wonderland for backpackers and mountain climbers looking to scale Mount Everest and other peaks.
King Gyanendra has been at the center of much of Nepal’s turmoil. The widely reviled ruler headed a dynasty that for centuries held absolute sway over the country — a primacy he sought to reassert nearly two years ago when he dismissed parliament and seized dictatorial powers.
The power grab was his undoing. The resulting unrest brought his enemies together, stoked the anger of an already wary public and, as the deal signed Sunday makes clear, put Nepal on the road to becoming a republic.
The dynasty dates to 1769, when a regional ruler led an army down from the hills and conquered the ancient city of Katmandu. He established a line of kings traditionally considered reincarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu, to be venerated by their subjects.
In the following centuries, that was often the case. But Gyanendra, the 12th Shah dynasty monarch, never has enjoyed the popularity of his predecessors.
His tumultuous reign began in 2001 after a palace massacre in which the crown prince is believed to have gunned down King Birendra — Gyanendra’s older brother — and much of the royal family before killing himself.
The slaughter of 10 members of the royal family helped pierce the mystique surrounding Nepal’s royalty.
Four years later, Gyanendra dismissed Nepal’s parliament and seized total power, saying he would bring order to a chaotic political scene and quell the communist insurgency.
But the insurgency worsened, the economy faltered, and Gyanendra used heavy-handed tactics to silence the opposition, jailing opponents and banning criticism of himself, his government and the army.
As a result, the communists joined forces with the country’s main political parties to orchestrate weeks of unrest in April 2006 that ended with Gyanendra’s restoring the parliament. He has since been stripped of his powers, his command over the army and his immunity from prosecution.
That wasn’t enough for the communists, who are known as the Maoists. They ended their decade-long rebellion — a fight that killed about 13,000 people — last year and later joined the country’s interim government.
But they withdrew in September, demanding an immediate end to the monarchy. The other political parties said such action could be taken only after the election of an assembly to rewrite the constitution.
The Maoists’ move plunged Nepal into a political crisis, derailing plans to elect the assembly and threatening its transition to democracy.
Sunday’s deal brings the Maoists back into the government by agreeing to eliminate the king once the assembly is elected, possibly in the first half of next year.
Thursday, December 20, 2007
Congress At Crossroads
(Re-posted, Courtesy of: Nepali Congress Centeral Working Committee Member, Mr. Govinda Raj Joshi)
Nepali Congress party now stands at crossroads. Its right decision can guarantee the stability and democratic process in Nepal and its wrong decision can bring about prolonged political instability and chaos For the Congress, Constituent Assembly (CA) is associated with its existence as it is the first political party, which had demanded the election of CA. The demand for CA has come as a consensus agenda following the signing of twelve point’s agreement. Under the agreement, CPN-Maoist also agreed to be a part of joint agitation against the autocratic rule of the monarch. Thus, the mandate of April uprising was to end the autocratic rule of the King, reinstate the House of Representatives, ink peace agreement with the Maoists, form interim government and hold the CA poll. Although the dates for the elections were fixed twice in the past, they were postponed at the last minutes.
After the dismissal of elected government in October 4, 2002 and taking up of executive power by King Gyanendra, Nepali Congress launched a nationwide agitation with a demand to reinstate the dissolved House of Representatives and activate the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990.
Other parties also joined the agitation against the direct rule of the King. With the imposition of direct rule by the King in February 1, 2005, seven political parties had no option other than to launch a joint agitation against the autocratic step of the King. Maoists, too, joined the agitation of seven parties to end autocratic rule of the King. The agitation was called off following the reinstatement of the House of Representatives by the King as per demand of seven parties. Maoists, however, put psychological pressure on the seven party alliance to choose between them and the King after the reinstatement of the House. This was the first step with which seven parties were trapped in the Maoists’ strategy. As political parties were trapped in the Maoist agenda, the mandate of the uprising was gradually overlooked. The parties are now interested to woo the Maoists rather than prepare a ground work to hold the elections at the earliest, which was one of the key demands of the uprising.
In the last one year, seven parties have committed many mistakes, one after another, under Maoist pressure. Instead of working to hold the elections for CA, parties diverted their focus towards non-political agenda. The 14-point proclamation of House of Representatives - which made many articles of then Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 null and void – pushed the country towards an uncertain phase by destroying democratic norms and values as well as institutions. Under this proclamation, interim constitution 2007 was promulgated. The dissolution of the reinstated House of Representatives further created confusion and overshadowed the CA polls. The termination of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 was another political blunder committed by political leadership, which pushed the country into the course of prolonged political instability. It is unfortunate to say that nowhere in the democratic world does parliamentary proclamation supersede the constitution but we saw this in our country. Had the CA polls act been formulated immediately after the reinstatement of the parliament, CA polls would have been held in October, 2006 and the present crisis would have been averted.
From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, different agreements were signed between the government and the Maoists but none of the agreements were respected by the latter. The criminal case against the Maoist leaders and cadres were withdrawn but the people who were displaced by Maoists have yet to return to their homes and get back their properties. While two billion rupees were given to the Maoists to look after their cadres, the displaced persons got nothing. Government ignored the Maoist victims. It even stopped the scholarship given to the martyrs' (people killed by Maoists) children.
One of our mistakes was that we signed twelve points agreement with the Maoists without proper discussions and home work in the party. Seven party alliance blindly welcomed the Maoists hoping that their entry into mainstream politics will end the twelve years long bloody conflict and give relief to the people. However, Maoists have not changed their actions as they have shown that their ultimate aim is to grab state power. By forcing the postponement of the elections for CA, Maoists showed that they don't have any faith and commitment in the election. Despite joining the political mainstream, Maoists continue to engage in terror, abduction and extortion. Maoists, who claim to have 30,000 army, had handed over 3,400 weapons to the United Nations.
Contradictory to our expectation, Maoists pulled out from the government after Nepali Congress agreed to go for republic. The CA elections were postponed even though we changed our party's ideology. Furthermore, Prachanda is now calling for the unity with "royalist nationalists." Maoists have proved once again that autocratic power is dearer to them than democratic Congress. Even acting president of Nepali Congress Sushil Koirala revealed that the Congress was trapped in Maoists’ political strategy and was forced to proclaim republic under their pressure. Another vice president of Congress Ram Chandra Poudel, too, has blamed Maoists for forcing Congress to go republic.
In the last one and a half year, the law and order situation has deteriorated. There is a virtual anarchy in the country though the main responsibility of the government is to give security to the people and guard the border of the state. The interim government has proved to be very weak in maintaining internal security. Home ministry failed to contain the activities of Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL). The public felt that law is in the hand of Maoists and their cadres are above the law. As home minister was the coordinator of the talk team whose duty was to negotiate with Maoists, appointing the same person with dual responsibility was the reason behind the present situation but it was never seriously discussed. With a hope to restore long lasting peace by bringing Maoists to the mainstream, we have even betrayed our founding leader BP Koirala's ideology of national reconciliation by tilting too much towards extremist communists. We have now realized that why BP always stood against the alliance with communists. In his long political career, BP always held the view that that there is no important matter than the protection of motherland and he always asked party workers to take the soil of country in their hands whenever they faced any dilemma in taking decision on national interest.
We undermined that by signing the twelve point agreements with Maoists in foreign soil. BP never tried to convert communists into democrats. We forgot the 30 years long intimacy of communists with Panchayat and the twelve years long instability caused by activities of Maoists. This turned out to be a big mistake. According to BP, our society has major influence of aristocratic families. This traditional force, with which we share commonalities of interest, need to be converted into democrats. But we didn't make any effort towards that. We condemned them as regressive, reactionary and anti-democratic elements. We have lost our support base on those elements after aligning too much with radical communists. As our party undermined this powerful traditional force, the situation is now such that neither our party could penetrate into communist vote bank nor could we retain our traditional support base. Our party has lost its political base.
After committing the ideological blunder, our party is making another major mistake by agreeing to integrate Maoist cadres into national army. According to Article 146 of interim constitution, a special committee will be formed by the cabinet to look after People's Liberation Army (PLA) and for its re-establishment. It is mentioned that the committee will be under the cabinet and will act according to the cabinet decision. From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, there is no agenda for integration of PLA into Nepal Army. Can a particular political party’s cadres be integrated into national army? What would be its result? Is there any example in the world where ideologically indoctrinated army is integrated into national army? The rest of the six parties have to take this point seriously. The Maoist cadres without weapon cannot be called army. As they handed over just 3,400 weapons to UNMIN, how can one justify the existence of 30,000 plus army? Here also Maoist have demonstrated their tactics by pushing for integrating PLA into Nepal Army - they want to capture the state power. This fact is not realized by the leaders in the government.
On issues of republic and proportional representative system, the Mahasamiti (General Convention)of Nepali Congress has already decided that interim parliament cannot proclaim republic. It has also endorsed mixed electoral system. Our party stand is that proclamation of republic without the mandate of people is against the democratic practice. On the other hand, accepting fully proportional representation system will violate the fundamental right of people to fight in an election.
My opinion is that the alliance of communists has already proved harmful for NC. If congress gives up its principles and values, it will lose its existence. So, Congress has to stick to it democratic values and principles.
When we have been busy all the time tackling the Maoists, we have undermined many other problems. Madhesi issue is one of the major ones. Of course, there are some genuine grievances of Madhesis, which Nepali Congress needs to address. Maoist leader Prachanda's statement in Janakpur and senior cabinet minister Ram Chandra Poudel's provocative statement in Nepalgunj are just two recent examples how they tried to ignore Madhesis. People from Madhes feel that the government and Nepali Congress have become pro-Maoists as the government oppressed Madhesi uprising in Lahan, Kapilvastu, and Nepalgunj. Even as the government is preoccupied with the Maoist agenda, we must realize that until and unless we solve the problems of Madhes, CA is impossible in coming April also. Following the resignation by the Madhesi leaders of major political parties, the problem of terai has not only become a security problem but also a political one. Seven parties have to address it politically. Failure of home ministry is that it decided to address it through security actions, which are inevitable to boomerang.
The political solution to the present stalemate is the holding of free and fair elections for the Constituent Assembly and drafting a new constitution. Leaders of the seven political parties are just caretakers and they cannot take major decisions on behalf of the people. As people are supreme in democratic process, they should be given the right to choose what forms of government and what kinds of political system they want. If present political deadlock is not resolved in time, it will become a threat to democracy, nationality, and sovereign rights of Nepalese.
Nepali Congress party now stands at crossroads. Its right decision can guarantee the stability and democratic process in Nepal and its wrong decision can bring about prolonged political instability and chaos For the Congress, Constituent Assembly (CA) is associated with its existence as it is the first political party, which had demanded the election of CA. The demand for CA has come as a consensus agenda following the signing of twelve point’s agreement. Under the agreement, CPN-Maoist also agreed to be a part of joint agitation against the autocratic rule of the monarch. Thus, the mandate of April uprising was to end the autocratic rule of the King, reinstate the House of Representatives, ink peace agreement with the Maoists, form interim government and hold the CA poll. Although the dates for the elections were fixed twice in the past, they were postponed at the last minutes.
After the dismissal of elected government in October 4, 2002 and taking up of executive power by King Gyanendra, Nepali Congress launched a nationwide agitation with a demand to reinstate the dissolved House of Representatives and activate the Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990.
Other parties also joined the agitation against the direct rule of the King. With the imposition of direct rule by the King in February 1, 2005, seven political parties had no option other than to launch a joint agitation against the autocratic step of the King. Maoists, too, joined the agitation of seven parties to end autocratic rule of the King. The agitation was called off following the reinstatement of the House of Representatives by the King as per demand of seven parties. Maoists, however, put psychological pressure on the seven party alliance to choose between them and the King after the reinstatement of the House. This was the first step with which seven parties were trapped in the Maoists’ strategy. As political parties were trapped in the Maoist agenda, the mandate of the uprising was gradually overlooked. The parties are now interested to woo the Maoists rather than prepare a ground work to hold the elections at the earliest, which was one of the key demands of the uprising.
In the last one year, seven parties have committed many mistakes, one after another, under Maoist pressure. Instead of working to hold the elections for CA, parties diverted their focus towards non-political agenda. The 14-point proclamation of House of Representatives - which made many articles of then Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 1990 null and void – pushed the country towards an uncertain phase by destroying democratic norms and values as well as institutions. Under this proclamation, interim constitution 2007 was promulgated. The dissolution of the reinstated House of Representatives further created confusion and overshadowed the CA polls. The termination of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 was another political blunder committed by political leadership, which pushed the country into the course of prolonged political instability. It is unfortunate to say that nowhere in the democratic world does parliamentary proclamation supersede the constitution but we saw this in our country. Had the CA polls act been formulated immediately after the reinstatement of the parliament, CA polls would have been held in October, 2006 and the present crisis would have been averted.
From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, different agreements were signed between the government and the Maoists but none of the agreements were respected by the latter. The criminal case against the Maoist leaders and cadres were withdrawn but the people who were displaced by Maoists have yet to return to their homes and get back their properties. While two billion rupees were given to the Maoists to look after their cadres, the displaced persons got nothing. Government ignored the Maoist victims. It even stopped the scholarship given to the martyrs' (people killed by Maoists) children.
One of our mistakes was that we signed twelve points agreement with the Maoists without proper discussions and home work in the party. Seven party alliance blindly welcomed the Maoists hoping that their entry into mainstream politics will end the twelve years long bloody conflict and give relief to the people. However, Maoists have not changed their actions as they have shown that their ultimate aim is to grab state power. By forcing the postponement of the elections for CA, Maoists showed that they don't have any faith and commitment in the election. Despite joining the political mainstream, Maoists continue to engage in terror, abduction and extortion. Maoists, who claim to have 30,000 army, had handed over 3,400 weapons to the United Nations.
Contradictory to our expectation, Maoists pulled out from the government after Nepali Congress agreed to go for republic. The CA elections were postponed even though we changed our party's ideology. Furthermore, Prachanda is now calling for the unity with "royalist nationalists." Maoists have proved once again that autocratic power is dearer to them than democratic Congress. Even acting president of Nepali Congress Sushil Koirala revealed that the Congress was trapped in Maoists’ political strategy and was forced to proclaim republic under their pressure. Another vice president of Congress Ram Chandra Poudel, too, has blamed Maoists for forcing Congress to go republic.
In the last one and a half year, the law and order situation has deteriorated. There is a virtual anarchy in the country though the main responsibility of the government is to give security to the people and guard the border of the state. The interim government has proved to be very weak in maintaining internal security. Home ministry failed to contain the activities of Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL). The public felt that law is in the hand of Maoists and their cadres are above the law. As home minister was the coordinator of the talk team whose duty was to negotiate with Maoists, appointing the same person with dual responsibility was the reason behind the present situation but it was never seriously discussed. With a hope to restore long lasting peace by bringing Maoists to the mainstream, we have even betrayed our founding leader BP Koirala's ideology of national reconciliation by tilting too much towards extremist communists. We have now realized that why BP always stood against the alliance with communists. In his long political career, BP always held the view that that there is no important matter than the protection of motherland and he always asked party workers to take the soil of country in their hands whenever they faced any dilemma in taking decision on national interest.
We undermined that by signing the twelve point agreements with Maoists in foreign soil. BP never tried to convert communists into democrats. We forgot the 30 years long intimacy of communists with Panchayat and the twelve years long instability caused by activities of Maoists. This turned out to be a big mistake. According to BP, our society has major influence of aristocratic families. This traditional force, with which we share commonalities of interest, need to be converted into democrats. But we didn't make any effort towards that. We condemned them as regressive, reactionary and anti-democratic elements. We have lost our support base on those elements after aligning too much with radical communists. As our party undermined this powerful traditional force, the situation is now such that neither our party could penetrate into communist vote bank nor could we retain our traditional support base. Our party has lost its political base.
After committing the ideological blunder, our party is making another major mistake by agreeing to integrate Maoist cadres into national army. According to Article 146 of interim constitution, a special committee will be formed by the cabinet to look after People's Liberation Army (PLA) and for its re-establishment. It is mentioned that the committee will be under the cabinet and will act according to the cabinet decision. From twelve point agreement to Comprehensive Peace Accord, there is no agenda for integration of PLA into Nepal Army. Can a particular political party’s cadres be integrated into national army? What would be its result? Is there any example in the world where ideologically indoctrinated army is integrated into national army? The rest of the six parties have to take this point seriously. The Maoist cadres without weapon cannot be called army. As they handed over just 3,400 weapons to UNMIN, how can one justify the existence of 30,000 plus army? Here also Maoist have demonstrated their tactics by pushing for integrating PLA into Nepal Army - they want to capture the state power. This fact is not realized by the leaders in the government.
On issues of republic and proportional representative system, the Mahasamiti (General Convention)of Nepali Congress has already decided that interim parliament cannot proclaim republic. It has also endorsed mixed electoral system. Our party stand is that proclamation of republic without the mandate of people is against the democratic practice. On the other hand, accepting fully proportional representation system will violate the fundamental right of people to fight in an election.
My opinion is that the alliance of communists has already proved harmful for NC. If congress gives up its principles and values, it will lose its existence. So, Congress has to stick to it democratic values and principles.
When we have been busy all the time tackling the Maoists, we have undermined many other problems. Madhesi issue is one of the major ones. Of course, there are some genuine grievances of Madhesis, which Nepali Congress needs to address. Maoist leader Prachanda's statement in Janakpur and senior cabinet minister Ram Chandra Poudel's provocative statement in Nepalgunj are just two recent examples how they tried to ignore Madhesis. People from Madhes feel that the government and Nepali Congress have become pro-Maoists as the government oppressed Madhesi uprising in Lahan, Kapilvastu, and Nepalgunj. Even as the government is preoccupied with the Maoist agenda, we must realize that until and unless we solve the problems of Madhes, CA is impossible in coming April also. Following the resignation by the Madhesi leaders of major political parties, the problem of terai has not only become a security problem but also a political one. Seven parties have to address it politically. Failure of home ministry is that it decided to address it through security actions, which are inevitable to boomerang.
The political solution to the present stalemate is the holding of free and fair elections for the Constituent Assembly and drafting a new constitution. Leaders of the seven political parties are just caretakers and they cannot take major decisions on behalf of the people. As people are supreme in democratic process, they should be given the right to choose what forms of government and what kinds of political system they want. If present political deadlock is not resolved in time, it will become a threat to democracy, nationality, and sovereign rights of Nepalese.
‘Read My Lips’ The Maoist supremo’s royalists-nationalists bhai bhai call raises more questions than it answers
By SUSHIL SHARMA
http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2007/englishweekly/spotlight/dec/dec14/national3.php
The Maoist chief Prachanda’s call for unity with the “nationalist royalists” created a stir last week.
This has not died down yet.
Top Maoist leaders have been working overtime to explain the rationale of what some see as yet another rhetoric of ever unpredictable Prachanda.
It is this unpredictability of the maverick Maoist leader that has deepened the cloud of confusion hovering around the Nepalese political sky.Critics have pointed at the repeated double-speak of the Maoists in the past.
They were known to have kept a covert channel of communication with the king even as they had overtly been waging a war to overthrow the monarchy.
Although the Maoists have ruled out moves to retain the monarchy, eyebrows have been raised about the Maoist intentions.
Given the past track record of the Maoists, not many have been surprised by the latest Prachanda salvo; they are however at pains to explain the timing of the yet another turn-around in the Maoist posture.
Coming as it did close on the heels of the visit of a high level Chinese delegation led by influential Wang Jiarui, some were quick to see a link.
Said a veteran non-leftist politician, “The Chinese must have advised the Nepalese Maoists to seek unity with the royalists in a bid to counter the dubious Indian move in Nepal.”
Others disagree. They point out that the wind is blowing in the opposite direction in Delhi as was also evident from a recent minor event with a significant message.
Even as a re-think on Delhi’s Nepal policy is reportedly underway, some "royalist nationalists" had a pleasant surprise during their recent tour to the Indian capital.
“Two senior officials of the ousted royal regime, Ram Narayan Singh and Rabindra Chakravarty, and another key supporter, Nanda Kishor Ghiraiya, found the leaders of the
Indian establishment more than keen and eager to meet them, listen and seek and offer advice,” said a top leader of a monarchist party
According to him, “it was a turn-around from previous such visits aimed at lobbying for what looked like a lost case – saving the monarchy.”
Even as the Maoists work overtime to reject any covert moves to save monarchy, the prominent royalist leader that they recently had met appeared to contradict them.
Said Prakash Koirala, who was a minister in the ousted royal regime, “Yes, they want to have a unity not just with the royalist nationalists but with the king himself.”
Koirala’s meeting with Prachanda’s confidante and the Maoist spokesman, Krishna Bahadur Mahara, made the headlines last week.
Koirala discloses that Mahara came to see him even when the Maoists were in the seven-party government.
That was long before some of the top level Chinese delegations met the Nepalese Maoists to allegedly offer advice on unity with “nationalist royalists.”
In any case, discernible analysts recall a recent interview of the Chinese ambassador in which he said that there had not been a formal government level contact with the Nepalese Maoist leaders.
There had been a series of informal and party level contacts, but “not on the government level” yet!
Why? Answered a Kathmandu editor with keen interest in the Chinese affairs, “The Chinese do not have a complete trust in the Nepalese Maoist leaders”, some of whom, by their own admission, lived in India eight out of ten years of their armed struggle launched under the banner of the Chinese helmsman -- Maozedung
http://www.nepalnews.com/contents/2007/englishweekly/spotlight/dec/dec14/national3.php
The Maoist chief Prachanda’s call for unity with the “nationalist royalists” created a stir last week.
This has not died down yet.
Top Maoist leaders have been working overtime to explain the rationale of what some see as yet another rhetoric of ever unpredictable Prachanda.
It is this unpredictability of the maverick Maoist leader that has deepened the cloud of confusion hovering around the Nepalese political sky.Critics have pointed at the repeated double-speak of the Maoists in the past.
They were known to have kept a covert channel of communication with the king even as they had overtly been waging a war to overthrow the monarchy.
Although the Maoists have ruled out moves to retain the monarchy, eyebrows have been raised about the Maoist intentions.
Given the past track record of the Maoists, not many have been surprised by the latest Prachanda salvo; they are however at pains to explain the timing of the yet another turn-around in the Maoist posture.
Coming as it did close on the heels of the visit of a high level Chinese delegation led by influential Wang Jiarui, some were quick to see a link.
Said a veteran non-leftist politician, “The Chinese must have advised the Nepalese Maoists to seek unity with the royalists in a bid to counter the dubious Indian move in Nepal.”
Others disagree. They point out that the wind is blowing in the opposite direction in Delhi as was also evident from a recent minor event with a significant message.
Even as a re-think on Delhi’s Nepal policy is reportedly underway, some "royalist nationalists" had a pleasant surprise during their recent tour to the Indian capital.
“Two senior officials of the ousted royal regime, Ram Narayan Singh and Rabindra Chakravarty, and another key supporter, Nanda Kishor Ghiraiya, found the leaders of the
Indian establishment more than keen and eager to meet them, listen and seek and offer advice,” said a top leader of a monarchist party
According to him, “it was a turn-around from previous such visits aimed at lobbying for what looked like a lost case – saving the monarchy.”
Even as the Maoists work overtime to reject any covert moves to save monarchy, the prominent royalist leader that they recently had met appeared to contradict them.
Said Prakash Koirala, who was a minister in the ousted royal regime, “Yes, they want to have a unity not just with the royalist nationalists but with the king himself.”
Koirala’s meeting with Prachanda’s confidante and the Maoist spokesman, Krishna Bahadur Mahara, made the headlines last week.
Koirala discloses that Mahara came to see him even when the Maoists were in the seven-party government.
That was long before some of the top level Chinese delegations met the Nepalese Maoists to allegedly offer advice on unity with “nationalist royalists.”
In any case, discernible analysts recall a recent interview of the Chinese ambassador in which he said that there had not been a formal government level contact with the Nepalese Maoist leaders.
There had been a series of informal and party level contacts, but “not on the government level” yet!
Why? Answered a Kathmandu editor with keen interest in the Chinese affairs, “The Chinese do not have a complete trust in the Nepalese Maoist leaders”, some of whom, by their own admission, lived in India eight out of ten years of their armed struggle launched under the banner of the Chinese helmsman -- Maozedung
Monday, December 17, 2007
Nepal: The growing crisis
Monday, 17 December 2007, 3:47 pm
Column: Hari Bansha Dulal
By Dr Hari Bansha Dulal
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0712/S00231.htm
The Maoist comrades have done it again. And, this time, the victim is a Swiss national Steve Jeannereet. It is a matter of national shame that we cannot ensure safety of tourists that enrich our public purse and enhance our national image.
The Maoists have killed teachers, journalists, and harassed doctors. But by physically assaulting a foreign national, they have not only ashamed themselves but also dented nation's image. When will the Maoists come to their senses? I guess it is not the right question to ask. Will they ever come to senses, unless they are forced to?
The government is trying to tighten the screw on rebels in the tarai while providing a free pass to the Maoists to engage in criminal activities. This strategy will eventually backfire. It will make easier for the rebel groups in the tarai to manipulate young unemployed youths in the name of ethnic discrimination. If the government cannot ruffle Puspa Kamal Dahal's feathers, it should not set a dangerous precedence of selective justice by targeting Madhesi rebels.
There is no difference whatsoever between Puspa Kamal Dahal and Nagendra Paswan's men. They are all engaged in criminal and anti-social activities. They have blood of innocent people stained in their hands.
The current government has completely failed to maintain law-and-order in the country. One thing that the current government is good at is -- provide compensation to the victims of Maoist crimes. If the prime minister or the home minister had to pay compensation from their pockets, then they would feel the heat. To give away taxpayers' hard-earned money does not seem to bother them a bit. This is height of irresponsibility and unaccountability.
If the Maoists are responsible for committing crimes, the current government is responsible for turning a blind eye on their criminal activities. Needles to say, both are at fault. In order to make the Maoists more responsible, the government should deduct the amount handed over to the victims' family from the money that the Maoists receive for their men confined in the camps. Let them feel the heat too. Hit them where it hurts most.
Of late, it has become evident that the Maoist leadership is not only power hungry but also hungry for money. Thousands of innocent civilians that were lured and registered as combatants have deserted the UN-administered camps, but the Maoist leadership is yet to report the cases to the government and reject payments made to support them. They blame the mainstream political parties for corruption and mismanagement but fail to see how mismanaged and corrupt their own party is. Collecting payments on behalf of non-existent combatants is a fraud in broad daylight.
It is understandable that the Maoists would not budge about it because they are financially benefiting from it. But why are UNMIN and the government silent on this issue? Neither UNMIN has shown any decency and reported the matter to the government nor has the government deemed it necessary to become fiscally responsible and stopped the payment even after media has reported it. When will the people in the corridors of power and those appeasing them to bury their own incompetence be held responsible for their screw ups?
With each passing day, things are becoming clearer: (1) The Seven Party Alliance (SPA) wants to remain in power forever in the name of peace process (2) India, after having burnt it fingers in its mission of buying unequivocal and everlasting Maoist support, now wants to teach them a lesson by strengthening rebels outfit in the tarai (3) the Maoists do not want peace and elections because of the plummeting public support. If there is peace, and free and fair elections are held, the Maoist leadership knows it very well that its bargaining power will take a nosedive. For the Maoists, chaos is profitable. It has both financial and political pay-offs.
Another thing that has become evident from the Maoists' never ending experiment is that they know what they want (capture the power and hang in there), but they don't know how to get there. That's the reason why they are engaged in never ending errant experimentation of all kinds.
The Nepalis are now in a far worse situation than they were during the Maoist insurgency. Then, we had one problem -- the Maoist insurgency. But we have uncountable groups with various motives and agendas. They are used and abused by various unseen forces to gain control. Caught in the middle is the unelected government that neither has the required mandate to force its will on people, nor has any strategy to solve the problems. What an ugly situation to be in.
India by forcing the SPA to join hands with the Maoists has created more problems than it actually had. While Nepal is failing, India wants to redefine its success. After the Maoists stopped dancing to the Indian tune, India now, wants to tighten its grip on Nepal and teach the Maoists a lesson by strengthening the rebel outfits in the tarai. India might have a last laugh by wiping out the Maoists in the tarai, but the Nepalis do not have anything to cheer about. It might be a good strategy from India's point of view, but when it comes to the people of Nepal, India will be simply replacing one devil with another. Creation of warlords has never brought peace and strengthened democracy anywhere.
With each passing day, not only our freedom and prosperity, but also our sovereignty is at stake. How much India values our sovereignty is crystal clear from its recent request to maintain a status-quo on encroachment of the Nepali soil at Susta.
Let us get realistic for a second, shall we? Had King Gyanendra agreed to dance to Indian tune like Jigme in Bhutan, Gayyoom in the Maldives, and General Than Shwe in Burma, what would have been the fate of SPA politicians? Where would they be now?
India's selfless desire towards establishing peace and stable democracy in Nepal is not as selfless as India would like it. It cares more about its grips on Nepal than anything else. It wants to administer proxy rule in Nepal through the likes of Dasho Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck, Gayyoom in the Maldives. What will it take us to realize this fact?
Ram Raja Prasad Singh has already revealed India's role in fueling the ongoing crisis in the tarai. If India really wanted peace in Nepal and respected its sovereignty, it would not deploy its intelligence agency to bring together all the rebel groups operating in the tarai and have a meeting with them in Indian soil. It would not have engaged itself in encroachment of Nepali soil. It would rather help negotiate a settlement between the rebels and the Nepali government and returned encroached soil even before Nepal approached for it.
The problem with our political leaders is that they don't believe what they don't want to believe. Ignorance is bliss and this adage applies very well to beleaguered politicians who want to conveniently ignore ground realities as long as they can. The self-esteem of the political leadership has sunk so low that it is hard to believe that the current leadership will be able to navigate the nation towards stable liberal democracy.
So far both optimists and pessimists have been proved wrong. Neither peace nor complete political paralysis has resulted. Political crises are yet to be equated with disaster. However, if the current political deadlock and insincerity among the political leadership persists, the nation will plunge into a deep political and social crisis. Nepal will disintegrate internally if the inherent malaise is not removed.
*************
hbdulal@gmail.com
This article was first published in The Kathmandu Post on 13th Dec, 2007.
Column: Hari Bansha Dulal
By Dr Hari Bansha Dulal
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0712/S00231.htm
The Maoist comrades have done it again. And, this time, the victim is a Swiss national Steve Jeannereet. It is a matter of national shame that we cannot ensure safety of tourists that enrich our public purse and enhance our national image.
The Maoists have killed teachers, journalists, and harassed doctors. But by physically assaulting a foreign national, they have not only ashamed themselves but also dented nation's image. When will the Maoists come to their senses? I guess it is not the right question to ask. Will they ever come to senses, unless they are forced to?
The government is trying to tighten the screw on rebels in the tarai while providing a free pass to the Maoists to engage in criminal activities. This strategy will eventually backfire. It will make easier for the rebel groups in the tarai to manipulate young unemployed youths in the name of ethnic discrimination. If the government cannot ruffle Puspa Kamal Dahal's feathers, it should not set a dangerous precedence of selective justice by targeting Madhesi rebels.
There is no difference whatsoever between Puspa Kamal Dahal and Nagendra Paswan's men. They are all engaged in criminal and anti-social activities. They have blood of innocent people stained in their hands.
The current government has completely failed to maintain law-and-order in the country. One thing that the current government is good at is -- provide compensation to the victims of Maoist crimes. If the prime minister or the home minister had to pay compensation from their pockets, then they would feel the heat. To give away taxpayers' hard-earned money does not seem to bother them a bit. This is height of irresponsibility and unaccountability.
If the Maoists are responsible for committing crimes, the current government is responsible for turning a blind eye on their criminal activities. Needles to say, both are at fault. In order to make the Maoists more responsible, the government should deduct the amount handed over to the victims' family from the money that the Maoists receive for their men confined in the camps. Let them feel the heat too. Hit them where it hurts most.
Of late, it has become evident that the Maoist leadership is not only power hungry but also hungry for money. Thousands of innocent civilians that were lured and registered as combatants have deserted the UN-administered camps, but the Maoist leadership is yet to report the cases to the government and reject payments made to support them. They blame the mainstream political parties for corruption and mismanagement but fail to see how mismanaged and corrupt their own party is. Collecting payments on behalf of non-existent combatants is a fraud in broad daylight.
It is understandable that the Maoists would not budge about it because they are financially benefiting from it. But why are UNMIN and the government silent on this issue? Neither UNMIN has shown any decency and reported the matter to the government nor has the government deemed it necessary to become fiscally responsible and stopped the payment even after media has reported it. When will the people in the corridors of power and those appeasing them to bury their own incompetence be held responsible for their screw ups?
With each passing day, things are becoming clearer: (1) The Seven Party Alliance (SPA) wants to remain in power forever in the name of peace process (2) India, after having burnt it fingers in its mission of buying unequivocal and everlasting Maoist support, now wants to teach them a lesson by strengthening rebels outfit in the tarai (3) the Maoists do not want peace and elections because of the plummeting public support. If there is peace, and free and fair elections are held, the Maoist leadership knows it very well that its bargaining power will take a nosedive. For the Maoists, chaos is profitable. It has both financial and political pay-offs.
Another thing that has become evident from the Maoists' never ending experiment is that they know what they want (capture the power and hang in there), but they don't know how to get there. That's the reason why they are engaged in never ending errant experimentation of all kinds.
The Nepalis are now in a far worse situation than they were during the Maoist insurgency. Then, we had one problem -- the Maoist insurgency. But we have uncountable groups with various motives and agendas. They are used and abused by various unseen forces to gain control. Caught in the middle is the unelected government that neither has the required mandate to force its will on people, nor has any strategy to solve the problems. What an ugly situation to be in.
India by forcing the SPA to join hands with the Maoists has created more problems than it actually had. While Nepal is failing, India wants to redefine its success. After the Maoists stopped dancing to the Indian tune, India now, wants to tighten its grip on Nepal and teach the Maoists a lesson by strengthening the rebel outfits in the tarai. India might have a last laugh by wiping out the Maoists in the tarai, but the Nepalis do not have anything to cheer about. It might be a good strategy from India's point of view, but when it comes to the people of Nepal, India will be simply replacing one devil with another. Creation of warlords has never brought peace and strengthened democracy anywhere.
With each passing day, not only our freedom and prosperity, but also our sovereignty is at stake. How much India values our sovereignty is crystal clear from its recent request to maintain a status-quo on encroachment of the Nepali soil at Susta.
Let us get realistic for a second, shall we? Had King Gyanendra agreed to dance to Indian tune like Jigme in Bhutan, Gayyoom in the Maldives, and General Than Shwe in Burma, what would have been the fate of SPA politicians? Where would they be now?
India's selfless desire towards establishing peace and stable democracy in Nepal is not as selfless as India would like it. It cares more about its grips on Nepal than anything else. It wants to administer proxy rule in Nepal through the likes of Dasho Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck, Gayyoom in the Maldives. What will it take us to realize this fact?
Ram Raja Prasad Singh has already revealed India's role in fueling the ongoing crisis in the tarai. If India really wanted peace in Nepal and respected its sovereignty, it would not deploy its intelligence agency to bring together all the rebel groups operating in the tarai and have a meeting with them in Indian soil. It would not have engaged itself in encroachment of Nepali soil. It would rather help negotiate a settlement between the rebels and the Nepali government and returned encroached soil even before Nepal approached for it.
The problem with our political leaders is that they don't believe what they don't want to believe. Ignorance is bliss and this adage applies very well to beleaguered politicians who want to conveniently ignore ground realities as long as they can. The self-esteem of the political leadership has sunk so low that it is hard to believe that the current leadership will be able to navigate the nation towards stable liberal democracy.
So far both optimists and pessimists have been proved wrong. Neither peace nor complete political paralysis has resulted. Political crises are yet to be equated with disaster. However, if the current political deadlock and insincerity among the political leadership persists, the nation will plunge into a deep political and social crisis. Nepal will disintegrate internally if the inherent malaise is not removed.
*************
hbdulal@gmail.com
This article was first published in The Kathmandu Post on 13th Dec, 2007.
Saturday, December 15, 2007
SPA leaders agree to hold CA polls by mid-April 2008
Kantipur Report
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=131364
KATHMANDU, Dec 15 - The top leaders of the Seven Party-Alliance (SPA) have agreed to hold the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections by the end of the current Nepali year i.e. mid-April, 2008.
However, the leaders have not fixed a new date for the elections yet.
Following the decision of the SPA leaders Saturday evening, a meeting of the cabinet prepared a bill to amend the interim constitution accordingly.
Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel then tabled the bill in the interim parliament later in the evening.
The House has been adjourned till 2:00 pm Sunday. The debate on the bill will start tomorrow.
The leaders were also under pressure to forge an agreement by this evening so that a bill to amend the interim constitution could be tabled in the interim parliament before the deadline expires today, triggering a constitutional crisis.
As per the interim constitution, the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections were supposed to be announced by December 15 and many argue that there will be a constitutional crisis if a measure to amend the provision.
The SPA leaders have agreed to meet Sunday morning to forge an agreement on the remaining outstanding issues.
“The first decision is that the CA elections will be held by upcoming month of Chaitra (mid-April 2008) at any cost,” UML leader Jhala Nath Khanal said, emerging from the meeting. “The other decision is to remove a provision in the constitution, which states that the elections will be held by Mangshir (December 15).”
The top leaders had reassembled at the PM’s official residence at Baluwatar in the afternoon forming a taskforce to evolve a consensus on outstanding issues, including a power-sharing arrangement.
To amend the statute and to fix a new date for the CA elections, the parties today agreed to have a 601-member CA, out of which 335 would be elected through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, 240 from the first-past-the-post and the remaining 26 would be appointed, sources said.
A provision in the interim constitution stipulates a 497-member CA.
Similarly, the parties have agreed to incorporate words “Nepal will go to a federal republic” in the third amendment to the interim constitution, sources claimed, adding that the parties have finally agreed on the electoral system.
PR system for the CA elections was one of the main stumbling blocks, which had led to the political stalemate for months and thwarted the elections.
Other sources, however, said that the Maoists are in the mood to write a note of decent on the agreement as they insist that the issue of the PR should be finalised through a roundtable conference of people of all backgrounds if the parties do not evolve a consensus for an all-out PR.
This morning the meeting of top SPA leaders was postponed, constituting the taskforce comprising influential leaders to hammer out an amicable solution of the power-sharing row by this afternoon.
The taskforce was formed after there was no headway on the issue of power sharing among the three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist.
The taskforce comprises Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai, NC leader Bimalendra Nidhi, UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari, Left Front leader C P Mainali and the People’s Front leader Lila Mani Pokharel.
It was also asked to forge an understanding on the other contentious political issues and submit its report once the meeting of the top SPA leaders resumed.
The SPA leaders had decided to meet today after yesterday’s talks failed over the reallocation of key ministries among the major parties.
Parliament, which was initially scheduled to begin at 4:00 pm, was delayed by hours as the leaders strived to forge an agreement, especially on the new date for the CA elections.
Even as the SPA leaders reached near a common ground on the issue of declaration of a republic, electoral system for the elections, formation of a special committee in the cabinet to implement the government's agreements reached with ethnic, Madhesi and marginalised groups, provision of relief to victims of the insurgency, integration of Maoist combatants and all outstanding issues, the political deadlock remained unresolved yesterday as the NC refused to agree on allotting the Home, Defense and Finance ministries among the three largest parties as demanded by Maoist and the UML leaders.
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=131364
KATHMANDU, Dec 15 - The top leaders of the Seven Party-Alliance (SPA) have agreed to hold the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections by the end of the current Nepali year i.e. mid-April, 2008.
However, the leaders have not fixed a new date for the elections yet.
Following the decision of the SPA leaders Saturday evening, a meeting of the cabinet prepared a bill to amend the interim constitution accordingly.
Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel then tabled the bill in the interim parliament later in the evening.
The House has been adjourned till 2:00 pm Sunday. The debate on the bill will start tomorrow.
The leaders were also under pressure to forge an agreement by this evening so that a bill to amend the interim constitution could be tabled in the interim parliament before the deadline expires today, triggering a constitutional crisis.
As per the interim constitution, the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections were supposed to be announced by December 15 and many argue that there will be a constitutional crisis if a measure to amend the provision.
The SPA leaders have agreed to meet Sunday morning to forge an agreement on the remaining outstanding issues.
“The first decision is that the CA elections will be held by upcoming month of Chaitra (mid-April 2008) at any cost,” UML leader Jhala Nath Khanal said, emerging from the meeting. “The other decision is to remove a provision in the constitution, which states that the elections will be held by Mangshir (December 15).”
The top leaders had reassembled at the PM’s official residence at Baluwatar in the afternoon forming a taskforce to evolve a consensus on outstanding issues, including a power-sharing arrangement.
To amend the statute and to fix a new date for the CA elections, the parties today agreed to have a 601-member CA, out of which 335 would be elected through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, 240 from the first-past-the-post and the remaining 26 would be appointed, sources said.
A provision in the interim constitution stipulates a 497-member CA.
Similarly, the parties have agreed to incorporate words “Nepal will go to a federal republic” in the third amendment to the interim constitution, sources claimed, adding that the parties have finally agreed on the electoral system.
PR system for the CA elections was one of the main stumbling blocks, which had led to the political stalemate for months and thwarted the elections.
Other sources, however, said that the Maoists are in the mood to write a note of decent on the agreement as they insist that the issue of the PR should be finalised through a roundtable conference of people of all backgrounds if the parties do not evolve a consensus for an all-out PR.
This morning the meeting of top SPA leaders was postponed, constituting the taskforce comprising influential leaders to hammer out an amicable solution of the power-sharing row by this afternoon.
The taskforce was formed after there was no headway on the issue of power sharing among the three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist.
The taskforce comprises Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai, NC leader Bimalendra Nidhi, UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari, Left Front leader C P Mainali and the People’s Front leader Lila Mani Pokharel.
It was also asked to forge an understanding on the other contentious political issues and submit its report once the meeting of the top SPA leaders resumed.
The SPA leaders had decided to meet today after yesterday’s talks failed over the reallocation of key ministries among the major parties.
Parliament, which was initially scheduled to begin at 4:00 pm, was delayed by hours as the leaders strived to forge an agreement, especially on the new date for the CA elections.
Even as the SPA leaders reached near a common ground on the issue of declaration of a republic, electoral system for the elections, formation of a special committee in the cabinet to implement the government's agreements reached with ethnic, Madhesi and marginalised groups, provision of relief to victims of the insurgency, integration of Maoist combatants and all outstanding issues, the political deadlock remained unresolved yesterday as the NC refused to agree on allotting the Home, Defense and Finance ministries among the three largest parties as demanded by Maoist and the UML leaders.
SPA leaders agree to hold CA polls by mid-April 2008
Kantipur Report
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=131364
KATHMANDU, Dec 15 - The top leaders of the Seven Party-Alliance (SPA) have agreed to hold the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections by the end of the current Nepali year i.e. mid-April, 2008.
However, the leaders have not fixed a new date for the elections yet.
Following the decision of the SPA leaders Saturday evening, a meeting of the cabinet prepared a bill to amend the interim constitution accordingly.
Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel then tabled the bill in the interim parliament later in the evening.
The House has been adjourned till 2:00 pm Sunday. The debate on the bill will start tomorrow.
The leaders were also under pressure to forge an agreement by this evening so that a bill to amend the interim constitution could be tabled in the interim parliament before the deadline expires today, triggering a constitutional crisis.
As per the interim constitution, the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections were supposed to be announced by December 15 and many argue that there will be a constitutional crisis if a measure to amend the provision.
The SPA leaders have agreed to meet Sunday morning to forge an agreement on the remaining outstanding issues.
“The first decision is that the CA elections will be held by upcoming month of Chaitra (mid-April 2008) at any cost,” UML leader Jhala Nath Khanal said, emerging from the meeting. “The other decision is to remove a provision in the constitution, which states that the elections will be held by Mangshir (December 15).”
The top leaders had reassembled at the PM’s official residence at Baluwatar in the afternoon forming a taskforce to evolve a consensus on outstanding issues, including a power-sharing arrangement.
To amend the statute and to fix a new date for the CA elections, the parties today agreed to have a 601-member CA, out of which 335 would be elected through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, 240 from the first-past-the-post and the remaining 26 would be appointed, sources said.
A provision in the interim constitution stipulates a 497-member CA.
Similarly, the parties have agreed to incorporate words “Nepal will go to a federal republic” in the third amendment to the interim constitution, sources claimed, adding that the parties have finally agreed on the electoral system.
PR system for the CA elections was one of the main stumbling blocks, which had led to the political stalemate for months and thwarted the elections.
Other sources, however, said that the Maoists are in the mood to write a note of decent on the agreement as they insist that the issue of the PR should be finalised through a roundtable conference of people of all backgrounds if the parties do not evolve a consensus for an all-out PR.
This morning the meeting of top SPA leaders was postponed, constituting the taskforce comprising influential leaders to hammer out an amicable solution of the power-sharing row by this afternoon.
The taskforce was formed after there was no headway on the issue of power sharing among the three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist.
The taskforce comprises Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai, NC leader Bimalendra Nidhi, UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari, Left Front leader C P Mainali and the People’s Front leader Lila Mani Pokharel.
It was also asked to forge an understanding on the other contentious political issues and submit its report once the meeting of the top SPA leaders resumed.
The SPA leaders had decided to meet today after yesterday’s talks failed over the reallocation of key ministries among the major parties.
Parliament, which was initially scheduled to begin at 4:00 pm, was delayed by hours as the leaders strived to forge an agreement, especially on the new date for the CA elections.
Even as the SPA leaders reached near a common ground on the issue of declaration of a republic, electoral system for the elections, formation of a special committee in the cabinet to implement the government's agreements reached with ethnic, Madhesi and marginalised groups, provision of relief to victims of the insurgency, integration of Maoist combatants and all outstanding issues, the political deadlock remained unresolved yesterday as the NC refused to agree on allotting the Home, Defense and Finance ministries among the three largest parties as demanded by Maoist and the UML leaders.
Posted on: 2007-12-15 02:06:12 (Server Time)
http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=131364
KATHMANDU, Dec 15 - The top leaders of the Seven Party-Alliance (SPA) have agreed to hold the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections by the end of the current Nepali year i.e. mid-April, 2008.
However, the leaders have not fixed a new date for the elections yet.
Following the decision of the SPA leaders Saturday evening, a meeting of the cabinet prepared a bill to amend the interim constitution accordingly.
Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel then tabled the bill in the interim parliament later in the evening.
The House has been adjourned till 2:00 pm Sunday. The debate on the bill will start tomorrow.
The leaders were also under pressure to forge an agreement by this evening so that a bill to amend the interim constitution could be tabled in the interim parliament before the deadline expires today, triggering a constitutional crisis.
As per the interim constitution, the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections were supposed to be announced by December 15 and many argue that there will be a constitutional crisis if a measure to amend the provision.
The SPA leaders have agreed to meet Sunday morning to forge an agreement on the remaining outstanding issues.
“The first decision is that the CA elections will be held by upcoming month of Chaitra (mid-April 2008) at any cost,” UML leader Jhala Nath Khanal said, emerging from the meeting. “The other decision is to remove a provision in the constitution, which states that the elections will be held by Mangshir (December 15).”
The top leaders had reassembled at the PM’s official residence at Baluwatar in the afternoon forming a taskforce to evolve a consensus on outstanding issues, including a power-sharing arrangement.
To amend the statute and to fix a new date for the CA elections, the parties today agreed to have a 601-member CA, out of which 335 would be elected through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, 240 from the first-past-the-post and the remaining 26 would be appointed, sources said.
A provision in the interim constitution stipulates a 497-member CA.
Similarly, the parties have agreed to incorporate words “Nepal will go to a federal republic” in the third amendment to the interim constitution, sources claimed, adding that the parties have finally agreed on the electoral system.
PR system for the CA elections was one of the main stumbling blocks, which had led to the political stalemate for months and thwarted the elections.
Other sources, however, said that the Maoists are in the mood to write a note of decent on the agreement as they insist that the issue of the PR should be finalised through a roundtable conference of people of all backgrounds if the parties do not evolve a consensus for an all-out PR.
This morning the meeting of top SPA leaders was postponed, constituting the taskforce comprising influential leaders to hammer out an amicable solution of the power-sharing row by this afternoon.
The taskforce was formed after there was no headway on the issue of power sharing among the three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist.
The taskforce comprises Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai, NC leader Bimalendra Nidhi, UML leader Bharat Mohan Adhikari, Left Front leader C P Mainali and the People’s Front leader Lila Mani Pokharel.
It was also asked to forge an understanding on the other contentious political issues and submit its report once the meeting of the top SPA leaders resumed.
The SPA leaders had decided to meet today after yesterday’s talks failed over the reallocation of key ministries among the major parties.
Parliament, which was initially scheduled to begin at 4:00 pm, was delayed by hours as the leaders strived to forge an agreement, especially on the new date for the CA elections.
Even as the SPA leaders reached near a common ground on the issue of declaration of a republic, electoral system for the elections, formation of a special committee in the cabinet to implement the government's agreements reached with ethnic, Madhesi and marginalised groups, provision of relief to victims of the insurgency, integration of Maoist combatants and all outstanding issues, the political deadlock remained unresolved yesterday as the NC refused to agree on allotting the Home, Defense and Finance ministries among the three largest parties as demanded by Maoist and the UML leaders.
Posted on: 2007-12-15 02:06:12 (Server Time)
Nepal: Myths That Deserve To Be 'Flattened'
By Maila Baje
The maelstrom created by Maoist supremo Prachanda's call to include royalists in a new Nepal makes it easy to miss the significance of another story relating to the monarchy.
The Times of India carried a piece on a new book that "demolishes the popular myth that the kings of Nepal are reincarnations of Hindu god Vishnu and even the belief that they are descendants of the ruling Rajputs of India."
Under the stimulating headline "Book flattens Nepal king's divine myth," the reporter covered Subodh Singh's work tracing the ancestry of the Shah dynasty to Magars and Tharus. Both, the reporter pointedly reminded readers, are "low in Nepal's social hierarchy."
Without having read the book, it would be difficult for one to address the specific revelations in The Return of the Mauryans. Evidently, the author provided enough material to allow the newspaper to carry that storyline with sufficient credibility.
For purposes here, therefore, the Times text is the focus.
The issue of divinity is something the monarchy's adversaries have long used against the institution and for their own narrow purposes. Rana prime ministers perpetuated this deification primarily to confine successive kings within palace walls.
For modern mainstream politicians, divinity morphed into constitutionalism. Specifically, elected politicians after the 1990 change sought to curtail the king's space to just enough to prevent asphyxiation.
Admittedly, the monarchy has benefited from this aura of divinity. Yet, in all fairness, no monarch has ever claimed such a status. After his accession in 1972, King Birendra addressed the issue in interviews with western journalists. In a conversation with a Newsweek reporter, he described the popular perception of his being an incarnation of Lord Vishnu as something influenced by tradition.
King Gyanendra has been more categorical. When a reporter for TIME magazine brought up the subject in early 2004, the monarch sounded palpably ecstatic. Expressing delight that his role had been spelled out in terms of "the preserver of all things," King Gyanendra added emphatically: "But I'm a pragmatic and practical person. I've never said I'm God."
Far louder have been the actions of the two kings. Undiluted divinity would have precluded King Birendra from making that high-profile pilgrimage to Sai Baba and wearing that locket until his tragic end. The fact that King Gyanendra was so demonized for his abiding belief in higher powers absolves him from charges of harboring divine aspirations.
The perception persists also because it serves some value. Amid the global convulsions precipitated by the fall of the Berlin Wall, how might Nepal have garnered the sustained attention of western news editors but for the Vishnu verisimilitude palmed off by their color-starved reporters? Fast forward 16 years and the secularization of the world's only Hindu state made the greatest sense in the context of the humbling of its monarch.
The book helps debunk a second myth. If the Shahs' roots are really among Magars and Tharus, wouldn't that make them, contrary to some detractors' claims, among the original inhabitants of the country?
Maila Baje writes about Nepal at http://nepalinetbook.blogspot.com
The maelstrom created by Maoist supremo Prachanda's call to include royalists in a new Nepal makes it easy to miss the significance of another story relating to the monarchy.
The Times of India carried a piece on a new book that "demolishes the popular myth that the kings of Nepal are reincarnations of Hindu god Vishnu and even the belief that they are descendants of the ruling Rajputs of India."
Under the stimulating headline "Book flattens Nepal king's divine myth," the reporter covered Subodh Singh's work tracing the ancestry of the Shah dynasty to Magars and Tharus. Both, the reporter pointedly reminded readers, are "low in Nepal's social hierarchy."
Without having read the book, it would be difficult for one to address the specific revelations in The Return of the Mauryans. Evidently, the author provided enough material to allow the newspaper to carry that storyline with sufficient credibility.
For purposes here, therefore, the Times text is the focus.
The issue of divinity is something the monarchy's adversaries have long used against the institution and for their own narrow purposes. Rana prime ministers perpetuated this deification primarily to confine successive kings within palace walls.
For modern mainstream politicians, divinity morphed into constitutionalism. Specifically, elected politicians after the 1990 change sought to curtail the king's space to just enough to prevent asphyxiation.
Admittedly, the monarchy has benefited from this aura of divinity. Yet, in all fairness, no monarch has ever claimed such a status. After his accession in 1972, King Birendra addressed the issue in interviews with western journalists. In a conversation with a Newsweek reporter, he described the popular perception of his being an incarnation of Lord Vishnu as something influenced by tradition.
King Gyanendra has been more categorical. When a reporter for TIME magazine brought up the subject in early 2004, the monarch sounded palpably ecstatic. Expressing delight that his role had been spelled out in terms of "the preserver of all things," King Gyanendra added emphatically: "But I'm a pragmatic and practical person. I've never said I'm God."
Far louder have been the actions of the two kings. Undiluted divinity would have precluded King Birendra from making that high-profile pilgrimage to Sai Baba and wearing that locket until his tragic end. The fact that King Gyanendra was so demonized for his abiding belief in higher powers absolves him from charges of harboring divine aspirations.
The perception persists also because it serves some value. Amid the global convulsions precipitated by the fall of the Berlin Wall, how might Nepal have garnered the sustained attention of western news editors but for the Vishnu verisimilitude palmed off by their color-starved reporters? Fast forward 16 years and the secularization of the world's only Hindu state made the greatest sense in the context of the humbling of its monarch.
The book helps debunk a second myth. If the Shahs' roots are really among Magars and Tharus, wouldn't that make them, contrary to some detractors' claims, among the original inhabitants of the country?
Maila Baje writes about Nepal at http://nepalinetbook.blogspot.com
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